Manipur cries vengeance - 55 agonising years are enough!
10 th of July'04 was a 'historic' day, in India as well as in Manipur, when scores of women, most of them elderly in Indian standard, protesting fumingly in front of the Army HQ in Imphal, the capital of Manipur, suddenly stripped themselves and started shouting — [come] Indian Soldiers, Rape [all of] Us! And Manipur was set ablaze The fire is still raging..
Because it was not just a Ms. Thangium Manorama, the latest rape cum murder victim of the Indian Forces stationed in Manipur; the last few years saw hundreds of women tortured by the Indian Forces in Manipur [of course not counting innumerable other not reported cases]. The "news" since then, all of them, are well known and need not be dealt with in this pages; rather what are more important are: [ one ] why and how Manipur is now what it is, and [ two ] the tasks of the revolutionary proletariat therefore.
Manipur is one of the Seven [step] Sisters States of Northeast India, and like so many states is "Indian"—courtesy (1) the British Empire, and (2) the big-brotherly rulers of "independent" India. The British annexed Manipur to their Indian Empire in 1891. From the beginning of 20 th century anti colonial struggles broke out, the first armed resistance took place in 1917 recorded in the history, as the 'KUKI rebellion'. Apart from the very 'Manipuri' anti -colonial struggles, many Manipuris joined the Indian National Army and many more welcomed that army's march inside the British Indian territory which incidentally began from Manipur (through erstwhile Burma ).
With the British direct rule leaving India , Manipur became independent in 1947, and a constitutional monarchy was established there with universal adult suffrage and an elected assembly. However, the Indian rulers had eyes to many such areas. And they slowly moved ahead. In 1949, the Indian army aggressively acted in Manipur: The king of Manipur was ordered to join his state to India . His reluctance got him imprisoned in his own royal fort 'KANGLA' (since then the bastion of Indian army in Manipur, that have been the cause of the very sore feeling the Manipuris which is still there). At last, he was compelled to sign the Manipur Merger Agreement on 21 st September 1949 . The Manipur State Constitution Act 1947 was nullified. The state assembly, the council of ministers, all were disbanded. The Manipuri language and culture did not get an 'equal' right, as in India Hindi and English are more equal than others. The Sahitya Academy recognised Manipuri language and literature, but the constitution did not until quite recent times, and that too was not granted to the ancient alphabetic system. To the average Mainland Indians Manipuri culture only means a dance form with Bengali or Sanskrit Baishnav verses. And how many Indians know that Imphal is the oldest city among all the state capitals in India including Delhi , almost twice older than the latter?
Manipur thus belongs to India only since last 55 years. If we count British-Indianness, Manipur belongs to India for just 113 years. In no way one can get a remoter past Indian-ness in Manipur leaving aside the implantation of Bengali-'Baishnav'ite culture by a Manipuri King, and of the Bengali alphabets( though with the Sanskrit-ite alphabet system it is extremely difficult, if not impossible, to write a language of the Sino-Burmese Family ). By that way also, however, one cannot go back to more than three centuries. The supposed Mahabharata link of Mainland India with Manipur via Arjuna and Chitrangada, which even such a learned poet as Tagore was inclined to believe in, was a product of Hindu-Indian or 'pan-Hindu' mind. That deliberately falsified history and the epic too. Because even by any wild guess the north east of the present India can never come in the described locus of that journey of Arjuna to have a chance meeting with Chitrangada in a " Manipur ", if one follows the widely acknowledged 'standard' texts and translations of the epic (like the one, say, by Babu Kaliprasanna Singha). It will be a fruitful endeavour to study the Pan-Hindu falsification of history and ancient Indian texts with an attempt to 'prove' some parts of present India and some nations and people as 'integrated' parts of India since time immemorial, however, it would be out of the scope of this present article.
Loss of 'independent' statehood was only the start of the stinging saga that followed. Facing the formation and escalation of 'national' struggle of the Manipuri people the most draconian 'act' of 'democratic' India arrived in Manipur—"The Armed Forces (Special Power) Act". Amusingly, that act was a British Colonial product, made on 15 th August 1942 , and then named as the "The Armed Forces (Special Power) Ordinance". 'Democratic' India must get the credit for making it further brute and arbitrary. In the British Raj, the officers only enjoyed the 'shoot at sight' privilege, and now Havildars have that freedom if only that act comes to play. Declare any large area, a state or more as a 'disturbed area' according to this act, and the forces of the govt have that 'decentralised power' of killing, torturing, and even, as seen in the history of Manipur and many other 'disturbed' states, raping too. Now let us see some glaring examples: ?
The 1974 case of Miss Rose was the first incident of rape of a local girl by a member of the Indian security forces, which became public. Miss Rose committed suicide after an officer of the Border Security Force repeatedly raped her. The perpetrator went scot-free, due to lack of sufficient evidence. The Ahanjaobi case of 1996 was a turning point in public attitude towards the crime and its victimization. Two personnel of Indian army raped a married woman Ahanjaobi Devi of Imphal in front of her disabled 12-year-old son, during an operation. Overcome by a sense of humiliation, she came out in the open. In 1998, army personnel, in two separate incidents raped two other married women, Pramo Devi of Keirenphabi village and Thoinu Devi of Kakching Chumnang Ching. The army inquiries, which followed, rejected the charge of rape. [Source: Manipur Update, Volume I, Issue II, January 2000 Feature 4. The Fear of Rape: The Crime and Punishment]
The Central Reserve Police Forces (CRPF) picked up two sisters - Laishram Bimola Devi, aged about 32 years, and Laishram Manishang, aged about 29 years, of Pukhao Ahallup Awang Leikai - at around 11am on 14 January 1999 , falsely accusing them of sheltering underground activists. The all male team took them to their camp located at Pangai, allegedly stripped them naked, and inhumanely beat them with iron rods and sticks on their hips, buttocks, thighs, calves and feet. They were released on the same day, as nothing incriminating was found against them, and were hospitalized for the next two weeks. In a different case in January 1999, a 17-year-old innocent girl, Oinam Subhashini Devi of Thanga Island , was detained and interrogated on suspicion of being an insurgent sympathiser. In spite of the psychological pressure, Subhashini's life continues, but in another case, a girl took an extreme step. On 25 March 1999 , following the investigation of a murder case, the 32nd Assam Rifles stationed at Yairipok took Chabungbam Jamini Devi, an 11-year-old girl , into custody, alleging that she was the girlfriend of an underground activist. She was interrogated in their camp and a recorded version of her statement was broadcasted in a public meeting convened by the Commanding Officer of the Assam Riffles on March 29. Two days later, on April 2, the girl committed suicide. (Nonibala Devi Yengkhom & Meihoubam Rakesh, Advocate, North East Network , India )
This is a story of << ENCOUNTER with TERRORISTS!!! >>
Source: Manipur Update Volume I Issue I, December 1999
"I am Moirangthem Nilakomol Singh, a government employee. I was given polling duty for election to the Outer Manipur Parliamentary Constituency to be held on 4 October at Polling Booth No. 39/22 at Sugnu. On 3 October 1999 , I was travelling towards my polling station in a bus (No. MNP 8842, officially hired for polling duty). The polling station numbers are displayed in front of the bus with red ink. There are about 15 public servants on election duty of three polling stations, along with some unarmed security.
"Many CRPF personnel were seen along the road ... some on their vehicle and some on foot patrol. On approaching the Tonsen Lamkhai, at around 1.10 p.m. , I saw smoke rising up from the hillock about two hundred meters away from us and a heavy exchange of fire broke out. I saw a CRPF truck and a jeep stationed near the waiting shed, which was about a hundred metres from us. Our bus driver tried to move back, but we were blocked by a CRPF vehicle. We lied down inside the bus for safety. The heavy firing continued for about 15 minutes, which was followed by intermittent firing.
"After about half an hour some CRPF personnel, who came from behind opened the door of our bus. I was kneeling near the door. They called me out together with some other persons from the bus. I got down along with a carry-bag.
"The CRPF personnel handled us roughly and pushed us for about a furlong. Then the CRPF personnel ordered us to raise our hands and run. I turned towards them and prayed to them to save our lives. The CRPF men hurled abuses on us.
"I heard somebody shouting and the CRPF personnel in lying position along the road opened fire towards us. The first few shots missed but, as the firing continued, a bullet stuck my left arm. I fell down facing the ground. My bag fell over my head. The driver of the bus fell in front of me; another person fell on my right and yet another behind me. Subsequently a few hand grenades also exploded near us.
"I never lost consciousness. I realised that I was bleeding profusely. I lied still. On hearing the foot steps of the CRPF, I waited in fear. I prayed to God and wished only if some Manipuri security personnel would come!
"After staying for about one and half hours in this still position, I heard some two or three vehicles approaching. And after a while, I heard some voice in Manipuri say, 'These four persons are dead and there is nothing we can do about them'. I opened my eyes and saw personnel of India Reserve Battalion or Rapid Action Police Force (Commando) standing nearby. I sprang up, rushed towards them and cried out to save my life.
"The police asked, 'Are you the extra person who the CRPF told us was present in the bus?' I explained to them that I was on official election duty. Thereafter they arranged for a vehicle and dropped me at the Kakching Rural Hospital."
On 23 September 1980 three youths namely Mr. Kangujam Loken (21 years), Mr. Thokchom Lokendro (21 years) and Mr. Kangujam Iboyaima were arrested by the personnel of Jammu and Kashmir Rifles stationed at Manipur then. Mr. Iboyaima was released a few days later on 26 September, but the other two never returned.
A student Sanamacha, aged only 14,disappeared without any trace after security forces of 17 TH RAJPUTANA RIFLES on the night of February 12 1998 picked him up from his Angtha residence. He is just one of almost a dozen or more 'disappeared' teenagers and young people of Manipur during the last 10 years. The Government replied that he had been apprehended by the security forces during a search operation on suspicion of belonging to a terrorist organisation, the United National Liberation Front, and had managed to escape. His disappearance was a turning point in the sense that it ignited public opinion. Now there is a committee of the families of the disappeared persons in Manipur.
The Meira Paibi women, who are at the vanguard for the protection of the innocent people against the excesses of the security forces, are themselves becoming the targets of abuse by security forces, for their human rights work.
On the wee hours of 27 February 1999 , heavily armed army troops severely beat up the Meira Paibis of Khoijuman village in Bishenpur District, seriously injuring Laishram Manimacha (60 years), Thiyam Chaobi (70 years), Naorem Yaima (70 years), Thiyam Gambhini (70 years), Chingsubam Memcha (40 years), Thangjam Moithap (25 years), Wahengbam Memcha (25 years) and Soibam Sumita (25 years). Their only crime was that they demanded the identities of the Army personnel who came to arrest one Mr. Budhi Singh from their locality.
Two weeks later, at Toubul, a few kilometres from Khoijuman, troops of 32 Rashtriya Rifles shoot at the Meira Paibis injuring Thiyam Mangileima (40 years), Thiyam Ibema (24 years), Soibam Somibala (24 years). The issue this time was that the Meira Paibis confronted the army when they tried to arrest a person without issuing an arrest memo , which is a mandatory requirement under the law. Thiyam Mangileima is permanently disabled today due to the bullet injury on her person.
"Personally I have had two visits from the Army. The first was in 1984 before Supreme Court's endorsement of army's Do's and Don'ts. An Army Major belonging to the 4/3 rd Gurkha Regiment came to inspect what book I was reading at half past midnight.The second Major came in 1998. I had by then been served with the Warrant of Appointment as a Member of the Manipur Human Rights Commission by the Governor of Manipur under the Protection of Human Rights Act, 1993. The Major, by the powers conferred upon him by the AFSPA, chose not to recognise the office of the Governor of Manipur, as he announced that the Warrant of Appointment was meaningless to him. The matter is now before the National Human Rights Commission. So I shall comment no more." — Yambem Laba Manipur Update Volume I Issue I, December 1999
If a prominent citizen like Mr. Yambem gets such a treatment, one can well guess what happens to ordinary folk. Lots of other examples are there, but the cases cited above are perhaps sufficient for the readers to estimate what has been going on in Manipur since decades. Manipur is not an "exception", the armed forces of the state usually causes havoc everywhere it gets a 'free hand' against 'insurgents'. We can cite one more examples : —
"For the record, my name is Robert Giuda. I am a 1975 graduate of the U. S. Naval Academy, former officer of Marines, former Special Agent of the FBI, and Deputy Majority Leader of the New Hampshire House of Representatives. I am founder and chairman of Americans for Resolution of Kashmir— Kashmir is classified by the U.N. as a "disputed territory". It lies within what is arguably the most dangerous region in the world, where the confluence of religious, ethnic, political, military and economic factors affords every conceivable basis for violent conflict. Over the past 57 years, India & Pakistan fought two major wars, numerous lesser battles, and engaged in a near-nuclear exchange just two years ago. Kashmir today is home to the largest concentration of ground forces on earth since World War II. 700,000 troops and paramilitaries ? half of India 's standing army ? are garrisoned among IOK's 8 million people. This equates to 1 armed combatant for every 11 civilians. Pakistan maintains 95,000 troops among the 5 million inhabitants of its sector, known as Free, or Azad, Kashmir ? roughly 1 armed combatant for every 500 civilians. Every day, unspeakable atrocities occur at the hands of India 's army of occupation. Even as India proclaims to the world its desire to reach a political solution to the conflict, Indian law immunizes its army and police forces from prosecution for actions committed under colour of "prevention of terrorism", enabling a hideous government-sanctioned repertoire of torture, rape, murder, arson, and custodial killing. India denies access UN observers and human rights organisations to substantial parts of IOK. One must ask, "Why are no observers allowed?" What is India hiding? India began its occupation of Kashmir by invading it in 1947. During the past 15 years, with statutory immunity, the Indian army has killed two percent of Kashmir 's mostly Muslim male population, raped some 9,000 Kashmiri Muslim women, and orphaned more than 100,000 Kashmiri Muslim children. When considered in the aggregate, these actions, committed by the Indian military with full knowledge of the highest levels of Indian government, comprise genocide against Kashmiri Muslims, and are chargeable both as war crimes and as crimes against humanity."
Therefore, it can be guessed that the Manipuris received very ugly treatment from the same infamous Indian forces armed with the AFSPA or the Armed Forced Special Power Act (1958) and its inbuilt Disturbed Area Act that are operating in Manipur for almost 5 decades. The Manipuris tried to move against these draconian 'laws' in legal and peaceful means. They thought that the Indian Supreme Court, so famous for its "Judicial Activism" and clean, democratic, populist image, could come to their rescue. A few Manipuri students studying in Delhi came together to form 'Human Rights Forum' and through it filed a public interest litigation (PIL) in the Supreme Court challenging the 'constitutional validity' of the AFSPA (1958). It was admitted as a writ petition no: (C) 5328 of 1980. Two years later the Naga People's Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR) and the People's Union for Democratic Rights (PUDR) also moved separate writ petitions on the same issue. A five member constitutional bench headed by the honourable CJ Justice Verma finally heard the petitions in August 1997. But, to the frustration and disillusionment of the Manipuris, on 27.11.97 the verdict came in favour of the AFSPA — that the said act has nothing unconstitutional in it (save some safeguards that might be taken) !!! Evidently, all these did not gave the Manipuris a sweet taste of Indian state institutions.
Now perhaps the readers can gauge the woes of Manipur and Manipuris (by the latter all ethnic residents of the former are meant here) and of other oppressed people also. The "NATIONAL CONVENTION" OF MANIPUR on 28-29, OCTOBER 1993 (Venue: G.M. Hall, Imphal, Manipur) resolved "That the Manipur Merger Agreement, signed by and between the Maharajah of Manipur and the representative of the Dominion of India on the 21 st September, 1949 did not have any legality and constitutional validity." [Chairpersons (Gangmumei Kamei) (N. Ibobi) (N. Sanajaoba) (A. Nilamani).] Judged in the above context it becomes obvious that it represented the psyche of a very wide section, if not the overwhelming majority, of the Manipuris who are tormented for more than half a century.
Moreover, they cannot be blamed — they have never heard a powerful voice of India in opposition to the governmental terrorism against Manipuris, and in favour of their quite just and natural "national" aspirations. The so-called "communists", the CPI, CPI(M), they all behaved and are behaving the same way as the ruling class parties; the CPI is still there in the state coalition ministry !! The BJP and the Congress do not have any major difference on the Manipur issue! No parties who are "eager" to disband POTA, TADA, etc are a drop ashamed about the Armed Forces Special Power Act or the Disturbed Area Act ! All of them consider Manipur, Kashmir , Nagaland, etc as their "feudal estates" which they inherited from the British. As real "Landlords", they care nothing what their "subjects" of these places may feel or want. These 'landlords' have their 'Manipuri' lackeys too, who 'handle' the affairs of the state from within. They have made Manipur a virtual prison of conscience and a real torture chamber of all protesting voices, and innocent children too.
These rulers try to make the subjects afraid, afraid of the military might of India , afraid of the grandeur- power ? immensity of their RAJ. However, in turn, they have become too afraid of the people. They suspect every question against them arising from the heart of the people, from the natural 'national' and/or class instinct of the oppressed masses. Everywhere the rulers and their lackeys smell conspiracy — e.g. in case of Kashmir they see only "PAK backed secessionist Islamic Terrorists" and give a damn to national feelings of the people of Kashmir . For a good part of the northeast ' India ', they have the in their hearts the bogey of "PAK backed secessionist Christian elements", but alas, they could not do the same for Manipur! Perhaps their CPI—CPI(M) brothers have convinced them to see 'imperialist conspiracy' in anything that challenges the domain of domination of the Indian ruling classes, in Manipur as well as elsewhere. (Though they themselves are obedient and fervent followers of Imperialist Globalisation in their own estates, and are certified by the capitalists both native and foreign.)
The revolutionary proletariat of India must raise its voice against (1) the ruthless and brutal state terror that is going on since decades against the Manipuri people; and (2) the draconian "laws" and "acts" — demanding their scrapping. ] The revolutionary proletariat of India knows the character of the ruling classes of India , faces its inhuman oppression day after day; and it has tasted enough of its bitter reign. So the situation and the emotion of the people of Manipur is all too known to the revolutionary proletariat of India . In addition, the revolutionary proletariat of India must support the justified and innate "national" aspirations, feelings, demands of the people all the oppressed nations, nationalities, tribes, and ethnicities. Only by doing so they can convey their message to the oppressed sisters and brothers of Manipur that Humanity and Socialist Movement (the real and revolutionary) are still alive in this part of South Asia . And in the struggle of emancipation of India from feudal-capitalist-imperialist exploitation, in the struggle of emancipation of mankind, the proletariat of India expects support of the revolutionary people of Manipur too.
The revolutionary proletariat of India must raise its voice against (1) the ruthless and brutal state terror that is going on since decades against the Manipuri people; and (2) the draconian "laws" and "acts" — demanding their scrapping. They should demand that all those who are guilty of any sort of crime against the Manipuri people must get exemplary severe punishment. [The govt of India should know — the non-compliance of that by the govt naturally pushes the people to take up the cause in their own hand.] The revolutionary proletariat of India knows the character of the ruling classes of India , faces its inhuman oppression day after day; and it has tasted enough of its bitter reign. So the situation and the emotion of the people of Manipur is all too known to the revolutionary proletariat of India . In addition, the revolutionary proletariat of India must support the justified and innate "national" aspirations, feelings, demands of the people all the oppressed nations, nationalities, tribes, and ethnicities. Only by doing so they can convey their message to the oppressed sisters and brothers of Manipur that Humanity and Socialist Movement (the real and revolutionary) are still alive in this part of South Asia . And in the struggle of emancipation of India from feudal-capitalist-imperialist exploitation, in the struggle of emancipation of mankind, the proletariat of India expects support of the revolutionary people of Manipur too.
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