SHAHBAG STRUGGLE: IN LIEU OF AN UNCRITICAL (OR, UNCONDITIONAL) EULOGY
For last two months a struggle is continuing in Bangladesh, which has attracted the attention of people of different countries, especially of neighbouring India. Thousands of young people of Bangladesh have started an agitation which has many similarities with the path-breaking spontaneous demonstration of Tahrir square, precursor to a series of struggles which is known as Arab spring and which almost shook the very foundation of the existing power structures of almost whole of Arab world. It is needless to add that the reverberations of the Tahrir movement also could be heard in other parts of the world in past few years, far away from these countries, especially in Europe and America. Though not totally in substance, but definitely in the form of movement, the imprint of the Tahrir square movement was so prominent in the latter movements that it could not be missed by even a casual onlooker.
In almost a similar way, a movement has started in Bangladesh. In the beginning there was a small, spontaneous demonstration of bloggers in Shahbag, a central place of the Bangladeshi capital, Dhaka against the verdict of International Crime Tribunal (ICT) of Bangladesh. The ICT had been formed in 2010 for trial of the 1971 war criminals, a section of fundamentalist forces who collaborated with the Pakistani Army in its 1971 war against Bengali people of erstwhile East Pakistan. It is needless to remind that in 1971 the Bengalis of erstwhile East Pakistan revolted against the rule of Pakistan, which is popularly known as 'liberation war' of Bangladesh and after the war East Pakistan seceded from West Pakistan and a new country, namely, Bangladesh, was formed. After more than 40 years, on 5th February of this year, the ICT awarded life sentence to Kader Molla, an infamous war criminal also called as Mirpurer kasai ,or butcher of Mirpur for his role in murder of thousands of men and women at "Sheyalbari, Rupnogor and in the whole Mirpur" in Dhaka. He formed Al Badr force which served as a private force of Jamaat-e-Islami and was responsible for mass killing, torturing women, vandalizing, looting, kidnapping, evicting and uprooting civilians.(1) The young people were aggrieved by the sentence because they considered that the sentence was too light compared to his heinous crimes and they demanded that Kader Molla be hanged. The news of the demonstration spread like wildfire amongst Bangladeshi middle class youth, mainly through Facebook, Twitter and other social networking sites of Internet and soon thousands of young people joined the demonstration. After that beginning, the demonstration has not stopped for a moment and it is continuing day and night, just like the occupations of Tahrir square and similar demonstrations of Europe and America. The demonstrators, mainly young men and women, in their early twenties, have pledged that they will not vacate Shahbag until death sentence is given to Kader Molla. The fundamentalist forces, led by Bangladesh Jamaat E Islami, have retaliated violently and brutally especially after death sentence was awarded to Delwar Hossain Sayeedi, another war criminal and, killed a number of protesters but the jamaat retaliation could not deter the Shahbag protesters.
Besides the way in which the movement has started, there is another similarity of this struggle with the former struggles. The Shahbag struggle also has not been led or organised by any of the established political parties or their leaders. Actually, it has not been organised by any organisation. The movement was started by BOAN (Bloggers and Online Activists Network) and it got a spontaneous response from the young people and also other sections of Bangladeshi People. Through the course of the movement, an organisation has formed with the name of Gonojagoron Mancha (a Bengali word, the literal meaning of which is Platform for Mass Awakening). According to the information gathered from Internet and other news sources, the participants of the movement are discouraging the presence of any political personality and though the party in power, the Awami league is supporting this movement, until now it seems that the movement is not directly in their control. However, in recent phases, there have been some demonstrations organised elsewhere by Gonojagoron Mancha, where leaders of the established student organisations, including Chhatra league, student organisation of Awami League have participated in their capacity as office-bearers of their organisations. However, we have also seen other tendencies also. As the Awami league Government failed to ban Jamaat E Islami within the dateline stipulated by the protesters, the Shahbag protesters criticized the government strongly and intensified its agitation against the government also.
In fact, unlike the former movements, like the Tahrir movement or other similar spontaneous occupation movements of Europe and America, this movement is not actually against the regime and it is not calling for regime change. Rather, Awami league is in such position that it can side with the movement, even whole hog support the present movement, because ultimately it has got maximum chance of gaining in terms of electoral politics. However, on the other hand, it has not been possible for Awami League to control the movement at least for the present, because the participants of the movement or the main basis of the movement, young middle class people are very much frustrated with all the political parties, including the party in power, Awami League. So, unlike the former movements which directly confronted the regime and struggled in the face of the onslaught from the regime, this Shahbag movement has got a peculiar relation with the regime. It is in a sense against the regime because they are demanding justice from the regime and they think that the Awami League is compromising with the fundamentalist forces, and shielding the war criminals. But on the other hand, not only their demand do not actually go against the interests of party in power and even can be used in its favour in the upcoming electoral battle. Because of that reason, the present Government is actually helping the Shahbag movement, at least for the time being. Awami league will definitely try to control the movement from within the movement and it is left to be seen whether the organisers of the movement will actually resist or be able to resist that in the future.
The first question which comes to our mind is why this demand is being raised after more than 40 years of the war crimes. Why the war criminals were not tried and punished before? Actually, all the rulers of Bangladesh are responsible for this omission. It is generally believed that the act for trial and punishment of the war criminals were scrapped by military rulers after the coup d'?tat and murder of Sheikh Mujibar Rahman in 1975 and the military rulers like Gen. Ziaur Rahman, Gen. Ershad and their parties only helped the BJI to be rehabilitated. But, it is not totally true. Everybody, every organisation, including Awami League and so-called 'father of the nation' Sheikh Mujibar Rahman, connived with these war criminals and directly or indirectly helped these persons to get rehabilitated in the social and political life of Bangladesh.
The struggle for punishment of the war criminals is not a new one. Actually, the demand originally started from very beginning of the country itself. The torture of the Pakistani Army and their local collaborators like JI and its satellites like Al Badr etc. was so brutal, so naked, so huge that after the victory and formation of Bangladesh, spontaneously the people of Bangladesh wanted punishment of these war criminals. Just imagine 30 lakh people, innocent unarmed people were murdered brutally, deliberately and 2 to 4 lakhs women were raped. The stories of torture of these forces will compel even stronger people to shiver. Some soldiers of Pakistani Army were captured by the Indian Army. Anticipating the defeat of Pakistani Army in the war, the leaders of these organisations fled to Pakistan fearing reprisal. The new Bangladesh Government led by Sheikh Mujibar Rahman and his party Awami League, banned Jamaat-E-Islami and passed two orders. The first was the Bangladesh Collaborators (Special Tribunals) Order, 1972 to deal with the collaborators who had "participated with or aided or abetted the occupation army in maintaining, sustaining, strengthening, supporting or furthering the illegal occupation of Bangladesh by such army."(2) In July, 1973, the parliament passed the International Crimes Act (Tribunals) Act, 1973 "to try and punish any person irrespective of his nationality who, being a member of any armed, defense and auxiliary forces commits or has committed, in the territory of Bangladesh, crimes against humanity, ..." The law provided forums to prosecute the principal perpetrators and planners of genocide, the army and the members of paramilitary organizations like, the Razakars, Al-Badars, Al-Shams etc. The collaborators order was revoked after the coup d'?tat of 1975 and the trial by the International Crimes Act (Tribunals) Act, 1973 ceased. (3)
However, even before the coup d'etat of 1975, Mujib himself started compromising with the fundamentalist forces. 195 Pakistani ringleaders, who were captured, were allowed to return back at the instance of Indian Government, which wanted to improve its relation with Pakistan after 1972. On 16th December, 1973, Sheikh Mujib issued a general amnesty to all war criminals except a few who were accused for rapes and murders.(4) According to a short biography in Wikipedia "Although the state was committed to secularism, Mujib soon began moving closer to political Islam through state policies as well as personal conduct. He revived the Islamic Academy (which had been banned in 1972 for suspected collusion with Pakistani forces) and banned the production and sale of alcohol and banned the practice of gambling, which had been one of the major demands of Islamic groups. Mujib sought Bangladesh's membership in the Organisation of the Islamic Conference and the Islamic Development Bank and made a significant trip to Lahore in 1974 to attend the OIC summit, which helped repair relations with Pakistan to an extent.In his public appearances and speeches, Mujib made increased usage of Islamic greetings, slogans and references to Islamic ideologies. In his final years, Mujib largely abandoned his trademark "Joy Bangla" salutation for "Khuda Hafez" preferred by religious Muslims." (5) The last comment has also corroborated by Sunanda K Dutta Ray in an article published in Business standard.(6) However, it is true that after the coup d'etat of 1975, the successive military rulers actively rehabilitated in the social and political life of Bangladesh the fundamentalist forces, including the Razakars, who had opposed the struggle for Bangladesh, actively collaborated with the Pakistani army, Killed and tortured countless people of Bangladesh, including its eminent intellectuals, raped lakhs of women. These hated criminals gradually occupied important positions in social, economic and political life of Bangladesh. Many became important politicians of Bangladesh, even ministers. A Bangladeshi observer has informed that "During the 1980s and the early 1990s, national school curricula were changed to downplay the role of war collaborators and to avoid terms like "Pakistani" or "Razakar." Schoolchildren learnt that freedom fighters had fought a faceless enemy called Hanadar Bahini (attacking force) without any other identity, national or religious." (7)
Rehabilitation of war criminals is one part of the story, rather a part of a bigger story, which is growth of fundamentalism in this period, When Bangladesh was born, it pledged in its constitution to be a secular country. But, soon after that a process of islamisation of the state began, which we have mentioned earlier, was initiated by Sheikh Mujib himself and accelerated by successive military rulers, finally culminating in 1988 when Ershad declared Islam as the state religion. (8) It is very natural that this process encouraged fundamentalist forces. Not only the military dictators, but BNP and even Awami league have covertly encouraged the fundamentalist forces in general and Jamaat E Islami in particular. The Awami league allied with these forces against the then ruler, military Gen.Ershad, in the mass movement of 1991, which established these parties in the mainstream politics of Bangladesh.
Almost side by side the growth of these forces, another force also grew in the social life of Bangladesh. Always there was a force, specially consisting of educated, enlightened middle class intellectuals, who were backbone of the national movement of Bengali people, who generally opposed these fundamentalist forces all along. Not only they wanted to settle the past crimes of the fundamentalist forces, but increasingly the fundamentalist forces came in contradiction with this section of society, all of them may not be secular in truest sense of the term, but nonetheless against fundamentalism, which is evident from increasing attacks on the these intellectuals by the fundamentalist forces. Two decades of Globalization, starting from beginning of nineties of the last century, to some extent enhanced the capitalist relations in the country and have given rise to a new generation of middle class youth who resurrected the spirit of nationalism. The obscurantist, communal ideology of fundamentalist increasingly came into conflict with the aspirations of this section of middle class youth, which gradually increased to reach this proportion so that such a fight between the forces of fundamentalism and so called secularism, ensued. So, the shahbag protesters are not only fighting for the justice of past crimes of war criminals, actually through this issue they have declared a war on the fundamentalist forces, a issue which is most probably the most weak point of the fundamentalist forces, specially the Jammat E Islami. The Jamaat E Islami also knows it very well and so they are trying to portray this struggle as the struggle between the Islamists and the atheists and they are hoping that they will be able pull a large section of backward, predominantly rural toiling masses in their favour. Battle lines have been drawn and this struggle may not be settled completely in favour of any of the sides very soon.
It is beyond doubt that the fundamentalist forces are pulling the country in retrograde direction by their obscurantist ideology, religious intolerance and communal politics and they are enemy of all progressive forces including the proletariat and toiling masses. Moreover, the influence of fundamentalism not only impedes the development class struggle and class unity, the fundamentalist forces in general act as a tool in the hands of the exploiting classes and actively participates to destroy class struggle and class organisations. So, the proletariat and toiling masses cannot but support the fight of Shahbag protesters against the fundamentalist forces.
However, to win any struggle one must understand the strength and weaknesses of the enemy. Though the fundamentalist forces were detached from the masses during the initial period after the "liberation war" of 1971, gradually they have succeeded in winning over a significant section of the people, in particular the rural people. It is apparent in this case because even in such issue where the Bangladesh Jamaat E Islami or BJI is clearly in disadvantageous position, they have been able to rally a section of rural people in their support. Recently, they have been able to stall a rally of Gonojagoron Mancha scheduled at Chattagram (or, Chittagong as it is generally spelt in English) by their threats. Actually, the fact that the BJI has been able to some extent to portray this struggle as a struggle between the atheist and the Islamists is apparent from the fact that many of the intellectuals supporting Shahbag protests are trying hard to prove that they are not actually atheist and they have nothing against Islam. What is the source of Jamaat's strength? Is it only the military dictators or the political parties? The actual causes are much deeper. During the "liberation war", the country was liberated from the clutches of Pakistani Ruling classes, but not from the exploiting classes. In fact, the feudal production relations were not disturbed at all, let alone be uprooted. The remnants of feudal production relations engender influence of religion on broad masses, influence of religion on the state and also influence of religious fundamentalism and communalism among the society. It is not true that a Muslim majority country like Bangladesh must become an Islamic state. Turkey is an example to prove the opposite. Though almost 99% population of Turkey is muslim, or of muslim origin, Turkey is a secular state where freedom of conscience is a part of the constitution.(9) The reason behind the difference between Turkey and Bangladesh is that in Turkey, bourgeois democratic revolution have been completed long ago whereas in Bangladesh it is still incomplete. During the "liberation war", fundamentalism was pushed into the background because nationalism came into foreground and the struggle of Bengali people was against an Islamic state and the fundamentalist forces, especially the Jamaat E Islami participated, on an Islamic plank, in a bloodbath to destroy that struggle. However, as soon as nationalism was pushed into the background as the euphoria of formation of Bangladesh receded due to poverty, unemployment and other problems, the fundamentalism again came back into the foreground. The rulers, be it military dictators like Gen Zia or Gen Ershad or political parties like BNP or even Awami league, used influence of religion or religious fundamentalism to keep the masses in their fold. So, a successful struggle against the fundamentalist forces can not be launched without uprooting the feudal production relations from the society. Unfortunately, neither the Shahbag protesters nor their predecessors are willing or even capable of doing this job. To uproot the feudal remnants from the society, one must arouse the crores of exploited, impoverished rural population who are living in hell under the yoke of feudalism. And to do that one should participate in their day to day struggle of the toiling masses. However, these intellectuals are indifferent to the day to day economic and other problems of vast majority of people.
Secondly, due to this weakness in mass base, especially among the vast masses of toiling people of Bangladesh, the Shahbag protesters are forced to rely and relying in practice on the might of state power to combat the retaliation of the fundamentalist forces led by Bangladesh Jamaat E Islami. But, firstly, the state machinery of a country like Bangladesh is heavily influenced by the fundamentalism and can not go to that extent so as to crush fundamentalism. Even Awami League, we have seen earlier, compromises with the fundamentalist forces now and then. But, more importantly, fundamentalism can not be crushed by state machinery, which is oppressive and detached from the people. The oppression of state machinery will help Jamaat E Islami to sport the tag of 'martyr' and get enrooted further within the backward masses. Fundamentalism can only be combated by the rising of the masses of people and that is only possible by the development of class struggle, which will pit the masses against the fundamentalism and will help them to recognise the real character of fundamentalist forces.
It can be predicted with reasonable accuracy that this struggle between fundamentalist and 'secular' forces will not end in a complete victory of either of the opposing forces. Rather, it will end in a compromise, for which a process already has been started from the ruling classes and even the outsiders, like the imperialist forces and regional Big Brother, India, are probably also aiming for that. However, the rise of fundamentalism will be probably checked to an extent for the time being but to what extent, that will be decided only by the future events, which is being unfolded in front of us.
What should be the role of the advanced sections of Indian proletariat or the communist groups who claim to be representative of the proletariat and also the other progressive sections of Indian society? Obviously, the Indian proletariat, or the progressive democratic people of India should support the Shahbag protesters in their fight against fundamentalism. But, they can not help the Shahbag protesters by only raising slogans, or holding rallies in support of Shahbag protesters, against Islamic fundamentalism. Rather, such shows of solidarity may help the fundamentalist forces of Bangladesh. Does it seem strange? Let us clarify the point.
To explain the real root of fundamentalism, we have discussed the internal contradictions which are giving rise to the fundamentalist forces. However, there are some external reasons also. If we see this period of time, i.e. 80's, 90's of last century and the first decade of the present century , from an international perspective then we shall be able to find two important factors, one which helped the rise of fundamentalism in almost all Muslim majority countries and other which helped the rise of fundamentalism in the this part of Asia, which is generally called as the Indian sub-continent ( should we, the representative of proletariat of India, utter the same name as because this name rather stinks of Big Brotherly attitude of India, Does it not?). Firstly, in this period of time, the imperialist forces have launched a vigorous, ruthless attack on Iraq, Afghanistan killing thousands of innocent people, destroying almost these two countries completely in the name of war on terrorism. In this period of defeat of the international working class movement, the working classes were nowhere able to build up a fitting reply against this brutal attack on the people of Iraq and Afghanistan, who happens to be Muslim by religion. The bourgeois petty bourgeois political parties of different third world countries in this period generally toed to the imperialists and so they did not oppose the imperialism in reality. The opposition came from the Islamic fundamentalists. The brutal, inhuman attacks of imperialism generated huge anger among the people of Muslim majority countries including Bangladesh and Islamic fundamentalists voiced that anger through their protests, which endeared the fundamentalists especially to the backward sections of Muslim people of all countries. It has to be same in Bangladesh also.
Secondly, in this period we also saw the rise of Hindu chauvinist forces, especially of Sangh Parivar in India. India and Pakistan was created by partition of erstwhile British India along communal lines and through a period of devastating communal riots and exodus of thousands of uprooted poor people of both the communities from both the countries. The memories of that riot haunted the people of border regions for a long time and affected the social, economic and political life of vast section of people. Due to the birth of these countries along communal lines, the growth of communalism in one country helped communal forces of other country. From the end of 80's of last century to present, we have seen a series of aggressive communal attacks of the Hindu chauvinist forces -- destruction of Babri Masjid, communal riots after the destruction, 2002 Gujarat genocide etc. All these incidents naturally flamed the passions of Muslim people in this countries which was used by the communal, fundamentalist forces for their own benefit.
Last, but not the least, the role of ruling classes of India in interfering, intervening and controlling the internal affairs of the neighbouring countries including Bangladesh. The birth of Bangladesh is a testimony to that big brotherly attitude of the ruling classes of India. It is true that the Bengali nationality of erstwhile East Pakistan revolted against the ruling classes of predominantly Urdu speaking West Pakistan. It is also true that the revolt was spontaneous. But, is it also not a fact that this contradiction was cleverly and ably used by the ruling classes of India aided by the then USSR to further the interest of ruling classes of these countries in this area? Is it not true that the ruling classes of India participated in the war in the name of helping the liberation war of the Bengali people to bring this area under their control? Is it not true that during these 40 years of Bangladesh there are innumerable incidents where the big brotherly attitude of India has been reflected and which antagonized the Bangladeshi people? In fact the interventionist policy of the ruling classes of India, coupled with the fact that India is a Hindu majority country and its state has followed a pro- Hindu line, has been and is being used by the fundamentalist forces of Bangladesh to gain support amongst the poor people of Bangladesh.
So, if the progressive forces and the communist revolutionaries of India really want to support and help the anti fundamentalist forces of Bangladesh they will not be able to do that by just holding some protest rallies in solidarity of the Shahbag protesters, they should intensify their work among the proletariat and other toiling people of India and only by the development of class struggle of the proletariat and other toiling masses of India against the ruling classes of India and as well as against the fundamentalist, communal forces of India, especially the Sangh Parivar they will be able to really help the anti-fundamentalist movement of Bangladesh with thousand times greater force than by the mere campaigns in solidarity of Shahbag protesters.
Sources:
(1) http://bangladeshwarcrimes.blogspot.in/2012/07/7-mar-2012-molla-charge-framing-2.html
(2) Justice After Genocide: Ways To Deal With The Past (First published at News From Bangladesh, October 27, 1997)
Dr. Zia Uddin Ahmed
http://mukto-mona.net/Articles/Zia_U_Ahmed/justice_after_genocide_092106.htm
(3) ibid
(4) Collaborators Tribunal Order (1972), Banglapedia, http://www.banglapedia.org/HT/C_0305.HTM
(5) Sheikh Mujibur Rahman From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sheikh_Mujibur_Rahman
(6)The anomaly of a secular Bangladesh, Sunanda K Datta-Ray March 8, 2013, Business Standard,
http://www.business-standard.com/article/opinion/the-anomaly-of-a-secular-bangladesh-113030800582_1.html
(7) On denying the holocaust, and rewriting 1971 Jalal Alamgir The Daily Star, 16 December 2006
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/uttorshuri/message/6310
(8) http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-south-asia-12651483
(9) Turkey From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Turkey
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