Jai Bheem Lal Salaam---another confusion & opportunism
A slogan is often being heard in recent times ----"Jai Bheem Lal Salaam". Jai Bheem is for Jai Bheem Rao Ambedkar, a call generally given by dalit activists, especially, the Ambedkarites and Lal Salaam, a common gesture of greeting or a slogan for the communists and worker and peasant movements. Of course in the recent past, such a call was pronounced noticeably by the so-called established Left. The slogan given by certain left students of the established left, inviting Dalit organisations and even the established Ambedkarites, with an urge for the unification of the Dalit and left (students) movements. But the list of supporters of this slogan does not end there. Amazingly there are others also from the pail of so-called radical sections or revolutionary communists who are seen raising this slogan thus endorsing the idea of unity behind it.
Some may think it to be a welcome signal of coming together of the two important sections of oppressed and exploited of Indian society, who have a long history of struggles separated from each other. But for anyone seriously considering the unity of the oppressed forces in this way, the questions that should naturally arise first is---- What has compelled them to raise such a slogan with renewed vigour? And what do they want to achieve through the realization of such a slogan? Ultimately the most important thing is how far does it hold out for those really interested in the revival of the radical anti-caste movement, and the revolutionary struggle of the working class?
First of all, it reflects no doubt a compelling necessity posed by reality which has been felt in the recent times by the student community in struggle against repeated attacks faced by them, although similar attacks are continuing on different sections of the common masses. The attacks are on democratic rights including attacks oppressing dalits and minorities. The Sangh Parivar ?BJP rightist fascist forces have unleashed such attacks on the students, both by their aggressive organisations and their government, in unison. Students' rights are being snatched away. The democratic rights, whatever little prevails, is being snatched away and shrunk to impose an authoritarian system, the dalits, minorities, diverse nationalities are being targeted, foisting upper-caste, upper class ideas of nationalist jingoism, communal, caste-oppressive hindutva. It is part of an all-round attack on democracy. The general liberal-minded democratic students and the dalits, the minorities, the students of diverse regional origins from Manipur to Kashmir are becoming victims. In particular, the suicide of Dalit student Rohith Vemula and assault on the students of FTII Pune , JNU, Jadavpur have stirred up the students to raise their voice against such attacks. In reaction to that some among these struggling sections in their quest for bigger unity of the Left and dalit forces have raised this slogan "Jai Bheem Lal Salaam" with a renewed vigour. Renewed vigour because the slogan is not totally new but it is being lent a new life, a new prominence.
It may sound to be a compelling necessity. But is it sufficient to merely shout aloud some slogans from podiums to bring about such a unity? And then does such a unity possess the potential to fight-back befittingly against the attacks? That is the far more serious question that needs proper appraisal. Not only considering the present but also of the past that still weighs down on the movements of today. In fact what does this slogan "Jai Bheem Lal Salaam" mean for anyone really wanting to prepare for standing up against this onslaught, unification of which forces is being talked about?
Actually this slogan is an expression of an appeal, a desire, for unification of two particular forces ---- the Left and the dalit forces and particularly the Ambedkarites. Those from the established Left have demonstrated this urge of theirs by assembling the Left party leaders and established Ambedkarites on the same dais.
What is the condition of these two particular movements today? The Left, the established communist parties, called the mainstream communists by the bourgeois media, have degenerated into a morass of opportunism and electoral deception discarding the tasks of revolution. They have abandoned the idea of a revolutionary upheaval of working class and toiling masses for sweeping away the exploitations and oppressions such as the brutal caste oppressions that even today time and again rears its ugly head reminding us of its wide prevalence in society.
The dalit movement represented by the established Ambedkarites is also mired in parliamentary opportunism, entering at will into alliances with ruling class parties who are part and parcel of the oppressive caste regime. These dalit political parties utilize the support of the dalit masses in elections to cater to the needs and opportunities of a small section of elites that have risen from among the dalits and who have managed to corner the major fruits of whatever little is offered as reservations or other sops. This, while the caste oppression prevails quite strongly continually oppressing the common dalit masses in the villages and even in the cities. The small section of upwardly mobile dalits cornering most of the available opportunities, dream of more advancements to move up the ladder and hence in spite of flaunting their grievances as dalits, collaborate very much with the present oppressive system. On the other hand the mass of common dalits remain at the mercy of this same system. Thus these so-called dalit organisations are also not interested in complete abolition of caste oppression and achievement of equality of all the dalits with other masses by establishing real democracy.
But that is only about a part of these slogan raisers---the established Left and the established Ambedkarites. Another equally serious thing to note is, apart from these established Ambedkarites and the Left forces there are others from among the so-called revolutionary stream itself who are either in favour of this slogan or are standing for such a unity. Of course they also feel this is the slogan reflecting the need for unity of the communists and dalits. Not for parliamentary gain but for uprooting the caste oppression and even for completion of democratic revolution. Hence probably by such a slogan they do not mean about any unity between the blatantly opportunist established Ambedkarite parties and the parliamentary Left. But even if they mean the unity of the lesser known dalit or Ambedkarite organisations at the universities or different localities with the communist revolutionary organisations is necessary and effective , some among them sincerely feeling about the necessity of unity based upon it, still serious questions remain. The question is not merely about a separate or new set of Ambedkarite or dalit organisations neither merely of communist revolutionaries who are getting involved with and endorsing the same slogan. It is not a matter of some organisation's pious and sincere wish. It is the question of the principles and the politics which this slogan of "Jai Bheem Lal Salaam" and unity based on it represent and hence also determines the path of struggle of this united force. If the path is same or if it leads, if not today but tomorrow, towards the same future as the electoral opportunism and reformism of the established Left and the Ambedkarites by unity of some leaders from the top, without identifying the real revolutionary democratic forces within society, without the arousal of the democratic forces from the grass-roots and formation of a real unity on the basis of these forces to abolish caste oppression, if it is without preparing the working class as the leading force then mere pious and sincere wishes to fight against and eradicate caste oppression will have no real impact.
To examine that the slogan itself, the idea behind it must be questioned. Definitely many will agree that the real question for complete elimination of caste oppression is the question of establishment of a real democratic republic which cannot but be a people's democratic republic. What is prevailing today is a stunted, fragmented democracy. It is because caste oppression and various other kinds of feudal remnants is still in existence in the vastly undeveloped socio-economic reality guarded and sustained by the ruling classes. That is why in the vast rural agrarian economy the dalits, who are oppressed and tortured in various fashion, are most overwhelmingly the landless while land is concentrated among the upper caste or the lately emerged middle caste sections, who wield the power. Even in the offices and various professions the dalits are placed in very few positions. And even the few among them that have managed to reach there, many get regularly harassed, victimized often leading to suicides in so-called well-known institutions. It is the lowest of works like the sewerage cleaning works, flaying of dead animals for skin etc? that still today has remained imposed by society upon them. The social domination of the upper castes exists on the basis of this absolute hegemony over land. So the roots of this domination can be abolished only by agrarian revolution and radical land reforms. It means awakening and arousing the millions of masses of workers, toiling masses and the peasantry, a large section among whom are dalits, against the ruling classes and thus establishing real people's democracy. With the growth of this struggle for democracy from below, the struggle against social oppression, that humiliates and looks down upon dalits as sub-humans, will also gain in strength. Ultimately with democratic revolution and with state power in the hands of working class, the toiling masses and the rural poor, it can be eradicated completely, even if it takes time to eliminate such practices prevalent for centuries. But without the arousal of the masses from passivity into awakening at the grass-root in the vast regions, simply arranging for unities of leaders in a condition of passivity by understandings and slogans at the top will never be able to complete this tasks and hence nor the democratic revolution.
The revolutionary working-class movement is the leading force in the struggle for democratic revolution because it seeks removal of all kinds of these medieval oppressions and its feudal roots to establish a complete democracy for the masses, a real people's democracy, where no people from the masses would be discriminated, insulted and oppressed in the name of lower caste, language, region or religion.
A real people's democracy is in the interest of the working class to shed off all old divisions and discriminations and unite all the workers as a class and continue the struggle to the next stage to end class exploitation of the capitalists, whose direct victims are the workers themselves.
Working class itself is compelled by its conditions to assemble as workers in the same rank in modern capitalist relation coming from whatever diverse castes, regions, religions, nationalities. Further it is also compelled by its very condition of being in the midst of contradiction between capital and labour, to fight unitedly as workers against capitalist exploitation. Hence working-class is the force in society that due to its class position is capable and also compelled for its class-interests to fight for equality and democracy, to remove all old divisions of caste, language, region, religion, in the interests of building up its class unity.
But without opposing upper-caste oppression in society at large the struggle against oppression and for democracy cannot advance. Without that working-class cannot draw in and unite all the oppressed masses under their leadership in a big alliance. In a backward, underdeveloped country like India the masses of such oppressed sections-----dalits, nationalities, communal minorities ?form a large multitude. And they are steeped in the feudal relations and oppressed by it that still persist providing the basis for such oppressions. These oppressed masses, the mass of oppressed peasantry and toiling masses need to be aroused for this democratic revolution that demands equality for all. The alliance of working-class and peasantry has to established. To establish and lead such an alliance the working class must awaken the dalits raising their voice against the oppression of the dalits themselves and also against all other forms of oppression. At the same time the working class must also arouse and awaken the poor toiling masses of the upper castes for the common necessity of their fight for democracy against the oppression of the feudal forces. Only in this way a real alliance of the radical democratic forces led by the working-class can be established that can challenge and eliminate the capitalist and rich upper caste dominated rule and establish people's democracy.
For the working class to be organized as a leading class in this struggle, its advanced sections must get organized as a class forming its revolutionary party that is able to emerge as a champion of not only its own class but also of all the oppressed masses in this democratic revolution from below whose aim is to sweep away the feudal remnants and end all forms of old pre-capitalist oppression.
For instance in the matter of caste oppression it should lead the struggle to eliminate all feudal customs and rituals of segregation, humiliation of the dalits and so-called lower castes in the name of impurity in social life. But that is not enough. The feudal roots lay in the land relations and economy of the agrarian society in varied ways in spite of development of a distorted, stunted capitalism through reforms. Hence uprooting of the remnants of the system of feudal landlordism and utter landlessness of the dalits that form the basis of this oppression is a must. Thus this struggle cannot succeed by only opposing the caste system as it appears through rituals and restrictions in social life but it is also an anti-feudal struggle to change the economic base, the old property relations, the real roots that has kept the caste system still prevailing. Over the years these tasks have not only remained unaccomplished but has almost been forgotten in the midst of dominance of reformism and opportunism of the parliamentary communists. Even the communist revolutionaries are far away from filling up those gaps by their role to advance towards accomplishment of those tasks. Neither is there the revolutionary party, nor is the advanced sections of the working class organized and the real revolutionary democratic alliance of the proletariat and peasantry is a far cry. Although the pains of undeveloped, stunted democracy is still being felt and different sections of masses today---dalits and the general students, workers and peasant masses are suffering due to it.
Further while trying to understand about the real path eradication of caste oppression and other forms of oppression shall we not look back at our past experiences? Wasn't there any attempt earlier to establish real people's democracy? Where did it fail? Turning a blind eye to the fragmented and degenerated condition of these movements at present, what are still called 'Left' and 'dalit' movements, remaining unconcerned and ignorant about the lessons of history that have come up in the intervening period from the pre-independence days of Ambedkar-led and the communist party-led struggles till now, will be another great blunder by those who have any genuine urge or effort to unite the exploited and oppressed sections for a revolutionary transformation of the present society. History has revealed through many incidents the fruitlessness of these opportunist and reformist trends, enabling the ruling classes to maintain the oppressive, exploitative regime both on dalits and workers and peasants. And the present-day communist revolutionaries, yet to take proper lessons from those history, are themselves struggling to revive the revolutionary class politics from a disintegrated condition. Hence understanding the lessons of those history is still very relevant, particularly when even to some communist revolutionaries "Jai Bheem Lal Salaam" appear to be the path of real unity for democratic revolution and abolition of caste oppression.
Ambedkar no doubt brought the issue of Dalit oppression to the forefront during the British rule of anti-imperialist struggle.He raised the issue of annhiliation of caste system. Ambedkar raised certain important questions for the most oppressed sections of our society. But once again it must be clearly understood that Ambedkar represented a particular way of response against dalit oppression by reforms from the top utilizing government measures. There were other, although less prominent attempts of the lower rung of dalit masses to radically transform the oppressive system, even during the days of Ambedkar and later in history. Of course Ambedkar has become much more prominent as an icon of dalit aspiration to rise against the oppression. He pointed at the necessity of end to social oppression of caste. But the root according to him has been the oppressive religion of the Hindu upper-castes. He also said about the necessity of establishment of a rule of the exploited masses without which simply change of power would be meaningless. He identified the exploitation on the basis of private property. In his own words ?the main enemies of the oppressed masses are ----Brahminism and capitalism. He even professed at one time about his idea of state-socialism through nationalization and welfare measures by the same capitalist state.
But Ambedkar's approach had been reliance on intervention through constitutional means in a upper caste, rich and capitalist dominated state for reforms from the top for upliftment of the Dalits. It remained not only unaccomplished. But with passage of time the state has revealed more and more its rotten class and upper caste character to oppress exploit and dupe the masses even corrupting and making opportunist a small creamy layer of Dalits and their Dalit parties. His ideas of embedding of certain tenets of state socialism in the constitution of this very state, so as to ensure the rights of the poor as against the exploitation of private property and capital remains unalterable even by legislatures, has also been proved to be unachievable. He himself had the direct experience of failure to overcome the opposition of Hindu conservatives even while attempting to partially reform the Hindu religious practices by adopting the Hindu code bill, which ultimately led to his resignation from the constituent assembly. All these showed that without dislodging the exploiting classes and their state machinery it is a mere pipe dream to think that such changes to end oppression is possible. History has revealed that contrary to Ambedkar's belief, bringing social change before the political struggle for power is impossible. The struggle for change of state structure is necessary, albeit by a force which emerges with the growth of a movement that encompasses the oppressed of all castes, especially the majority of which are dalits and other backward sections led by the working class, the real harbinger of the future society.The accomplishment of social revolution is intertwined with the political revolution i.e. a real people's democracy of the working-class and peasantry after evicting the present capitalist landlord state. But he could not proceed beyond constitutional reforms within this system and took every opportunity to participate as ministers in governments, as even during the British rule envisaging that reform of the dalits lives is possible from the top, through government and state measures. Ultimately when he resigned he took refuge in Buddhism. And later it is well clear by now that Ambedkarite movements got entangled in electoral opportunism often joining hands with the established ruling class parties which belong to those of the oppressors.
Hence in spite of all this, the oppressive, exploitative system has not changed. It prevails still now. The numerous brutal episodes like Khairlanji, Una, Bihar's Bathanitola and Shankarbigha, Rohith Vemula's suicide, the numerous court verdicts acquitting the criminals sheltered by the powerful upper castes and the state conniving with all these, repeatedly show the prevalence of caste oppressive forces and the state down to the daily lives of common masses. It is so bitter a reality that during the very period when Ram Kovind a Dalit, was being made the President of this country with the leaders dramatizing it to be some kind of Dalit empowerment, the Dalits of the very same Kanpur locality from where Ram Kovind hails have been forbidden from entering a temple.
Looking back there is also another side to this period of history. It is the parliamentary left's debacle. The communists were leaders in a number of mass movements in the period of 1930s and 1940s. Among the participating industrial workers of the then Bombay, Bengal, the peasants and agricultural labourers of Andhra, Bihar, Kerala, Bengal and among municipal workers of different regions, all of them had a noticeable number of Dalit participants. It is true that there were intermixing as comrades in struggle amongst these toiling masses of different castes including Dalits. But apart from the economic struggles, the struggle of peasantry against feudal landlords and the national liberation struggle against the British imperialists, the issues of struggle of the dalits, one of the most exploited and oppressed section of Indian society, against social oppression, remained somewhat undermined in the eyes of the Communist party. Even among the struggling workers coming from different castes the process of integration into a united class got affected. Thus in 1928 the communist party-led Mill Workers Union in the textile mills of Bombay was unable and hesitant to confront the problem of unity of the Dalit workers with other upper-caste workers in a situation where Dalit workers were disallowed to work in the weaving departments as threads were cut by workers with their teeth for their work. Only when Ambedkar threatened to withdraw from the strike if the demands of ending discrimination on nature of jobs to dalits were not included, there was some sort of shaking up and they had to concede. When Ambedkar "pushed" for the Poona Pact in 1932, for separate electorates for dalits, the Indian Left opposed it and communist leader EMS Namboodripad commented that "However, this was a major blow to the freedom movement. For this led to the diversion of people's attention from the objective of full independence to the partial objective/mundane cause [the 2nd translation is found mostly] of the upliftment of the Harijans." Exposing Ambedkar's reformist line with respect to people's democratic revolution is one thing but the Indian Left i.e. the then communist party deemed it wise to directly confront Ambedkar as seen from the stance of the communist leader Namboodripad. On the face of it, it betrays the failure of the party to understand the deep-seated feeling of the dalits being neglected, humiliated and looked down upon. This fact not only furthered the isolation of the dalits from the caste-hindu workers and toiling masses but at the same time led to their isolation from the communist party itself. This amongst others shows how the communists virtually glossed over issues of social oppression of the dalit sections that was definitely and intentionally neglected by the upper-caste Congress party leadership. Only in 1948 in the Second Congress of CPI there was a detailed resolution against caste oppression. In the political thesis it was said: "Forming the most exploited and oppressed section of our people, the six crores of untouchables are a powerful reserve in the struggle for democratic revolution. The Congress, led mainly by bourgeois leaders belonging to the upper castes, has consistently refused to champion the cause of the untouchable masses and to integrate the struggle for social and economic emancipation of the untouchables with the general struggle for national freedom.....To draw the untouchable masses into the democratic front, to break down the caste prejudice of the upper caste workers and peasants, to unite the common people of all castes against their common enemy - such are the tasks faced by the party...." (Documents of the History of Communist Party of India New Delhi : People's Publishing House, 1976, p. 111-12 edited by M.B. Rao).But the communist party was not only undecided but showed big lackings on the programme of Indian revolution, the proper analysis of Indian society, and pursuing the anti-feudal social and economic tasks and the anti-imperialist struggle itself. And by 1952 its deviation towards the parliamentarism started emerging. Further the preparation of the working class representatives as conscious leaders of not only the socialist movement, but as the leader of the democratic revolution in alliance with the peasantry and all other oppressed toiling masses, its independent class politics, on many such issues the approach adopted and pursued by the communist party leaders have remained questionable and yet to be properly evaluated. It was a period when the struggle between the revolutionary and reformist trends within the communist movement had not culminated. Further it must be noted here that Indian feudalism has caste system as a peculiar feature with the heavily oppressed dalits and other backward sections forming large part of the working masses which demands a particular attention. Even before the communist party could properly agree on the path of Indian revolution the aim of revolution had been dumped, eventually the tasks of class politics and alliance of all the sections of toiling masses, the dalits and others have also been dumped succumbing to parliamentarism. With the passage of time the so-called mainstream Left parties have today come to a position where they do neither aim to wipe out feudal remnants nor struggle to remove caste oppression anymore. Their struggles have become mere caricatures to fulfil their electoral ends.
For those from the so-called revolutionary stream at present who are standing for this slogan of "Jai Bheem Lal Salaam" and hence for the path of unity associated with it accordingly, it is time to go through a soul searching and recognize where they stand. The real claimants of Lal Salaam or so-called real communist revolutionaries who are supposed to stand for it are themselves splintered in numerous groups, detached from the working class and without being able to form even a party for the last 40 years roughly. Defeat of communist movements at the national and international level has put the task of learning from past mistakes and reviving the movement from its dispersed state. And it is the basic classes----the working class as leader and the oppressed masses of different sections who have the potential to bring about a revolutionary change and establish people's democracy. Without looking back at history, the reasons for the present situation, the mistakes, without helping in the development of the struggle of these masses, without the rise of the working class from the grass-root, if they think that unity of some Ambedkarites and 'real' communist leaders or organisations will be the path to abolition of caste oppression and democratic revolution, then it will be again toeing the steps of the established revisionist Left.
In reality in spite of such diversions and deviations that affected the movements, the society with its reality of oppressions and exploitations of the masses did stir up different sections of Dalit and other masses in search of liberation from oppression. There have also been united struggles of dalits and other oppressed downtrodden masses in history. In which even the communist party led workers and dalits played their roles. The successful united 1938 strike of Bombay workers against the anti-strike Industrial Disputes bill and the 1939 united struggle of the dalit forces of Ambedkar and the peasantry led by the communists against the Khot system of feudal oppression in Maharashtra revealed the potential strength of unity of working masses of different castes united as class brothers against exploiters. Further some of the later dalit movements like the Dalit Panther movement of the 1970s, the dalit rallies after the brutal incident of Khairlanji have also revealed significant urge among the common dalit masses to rise up against the oppressive system through their militant struggles at the grass-root. It is another question that those urges, attempts arising from the objective conditions in the form of struggles could not be attended to and developed by the leaders merging it into a powerful alliance of all the radical forces for a democratic revolution.
That task of forming a revolutionary alliance of the toiling masses, the oppressed, exploited peasantry of all caste, region, religion led by the working class has still remained to be realized in reality in this country. Without this alliance sufficient strength to challenge the ruling classes cannot be forged. Without the alliance for people's democratic revolution it is not at all possible to annhiliate the age-old caste system in Indian society for which Ambedkar bitterly fought in his life-time, of course in his own way. Nevertheless that potential has been revealed by the masses of workers and peasants from time to time.
Actually the spontaneous struggle of the common poor and toiling masses generally contain the elements of democratic revolution, the cry for democracy against the oppressive exploitative system. Hence even though it may be some outbreak of dalit or lower caste or adivasi revolt but it contains both the revolt against the particular kind of oppression they are subjected to and also the general urge for establishment of a real democracy for the masses.
Such signs of hope have once again started to be seen, albeit very gradually. Once again in the recent times different sections have started revolting against tremendous assaults on their livelihoods on one hand and particularly against the ever increasing aggression on the dalits and communal attacks. The ground is showing signs of hottening up. The workers, students, peasants and even the dalits, although still only in some regions and quite slowly till now, have started revolting, showing signs of more frequent spread of such struggles in the coming days. The dalit voices of protest have recently been heard in Punjab dalits struggle demanding land, then against brutal flogging in Una (Gujarat), the attacks in Shabbirpur (UP). The hopeful thing is the signs of rise of such struggles again with new vigour after a long lull. Society is revealing through such incidents that even though slowly, it is getting churned with new ferment and the struggling masses are attempting to learn to avoid past mistakes and betrayals. Today it is the time to learn not only from earlier history, from past mistakes, but also from the significance of these new struggles which show how the different sections of masses are taking up the lessons in their course of struggles. The conscious role of revolutionary forces is to grasp the new history that is evolving from below and thus to chalk out how to proceed from there at the grass-roots and how it can be led. It is there standing upon the rise of new class forces the alliance and the concrete understanding of it will develop in a new way. It cannot just be achieved by fancy confusing slogans from some leaders mind.
But all this is for the bigger task ahead, for the picture to be kept clear about our road ahead. For the moment, today, the foremost task is rebuilding the unity of the advanced detachment of the working class, the leader of this struggle. The force that only can and will raise the banner of people's democracy, raising its voice against all kinds of oppressions and assembling different diverse radical sections of oppressed, toiling masses rising up by their own urgency of struggles. These advanced detachment of workers are still in the process of raising their heads out of the factory-level struggles, disunited and searching. It is in the industries that all these advanced sections of workers are tied to the same economic relation as one of the foremost rival contending forces in capital labour contradiction. It is here their struggles are now erupting. And it is here that they are confronting the different contradictions---oppressions and divisions of society through workers of diverse origins. In their effort to unite and challenge the capitalists as the advanced sections they are realizing that the backwardness, the feudal remnants of society are a big hurdle for their class unity and advancement of class struggle. They do not even have a revolutionary party of their own. It is firstly the preparation of these struggling workers unity as a conscious class representative as leaders of their own class, the working class, rising above discriminations between the workers themselves that will be an important step today. Then the next step is preparing to rise up against all oppressions of the old society ,as a part of preparation for a leading position of an alliance of different sections of the working class and toiling masses of society--the dalits, different nationalities, regions, religions, genders to carry forward the struggle to achievereal people's democracy in the coming days. For establishment of a new democratic society free of oppression, annhiliating castes and all oppressive divisions. Without the working class emerging as a leader of such a thorough-going extensive democratic revolution, without arousing the masses for that, attempting on the contrary to unite from above dalit and left leaders or even communist revolutionary forces and organisations by declarations and slogans, it will lead to nothing but sheer opportunism and reformism. Slogans like "Jai Bheem Lal Salaam" is bound to be such a futile, opportunist exercise adding more to the prevalent confusion among the masses instead of showing the correct path of demolishing the oppressive caste system and end to all oppressions.
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