West Bengal Panchayat Poll Result
The left, particularly the CPIM, were busy concealing their gloom whereas the opposition forces, including a few so called communist revolutionary cadres, were readily revealing their glee - this was the general picture of political camps in WB from the day of counting of votes and declaration of result after the panchayat poll in West Bengal. Superficial study of the poll result with CPIM baiting or shallow criticism, prediction for next Parliament Election and state assembly election, all kept spreading. But comprehensive analysis that can help communists to understand better where they stand and formulate/readjust their present tactical steps are scarce. We shall try to present a brief and introductory study only.
Apparently few pertinent questions may be raised by those having left leaning. First of all, does this shift of voting pattern even of the lower strata of rural Bengal show a regressive trend? Or, is this a backward movement? Next, is this a sign of backwardness of masses of people? In WB villages the word Congress was once almost synonymous with 'landlords (jamindars-jotedars)', 'vested interests', 'oppressors' and what not. Were the people so dissatisfied with the lefts that they forgot their past? Then, were the people of lower strata so discontented with corrupt, inept handling of governmental petty aids (relief) distribution by the CPIM dominated panchayats and voted for the opposition for getting due governmental aids from the panchayat?
Single word answer to each of those queries is NO. Although CPIM tried their best to imbue the masses with reformism and tried to make them dependent on petty governmental relief schemes, although their inability and corruption in relief distribution led people against them, it will be injustice to the village toiling poor to attribute their thirst for relief as the reason. But such a short answer does not suffice and we must investigate deeper to know what the panchayat poll result reflected. So we are to observe the panchayat poll in the backdrop of past events to get an idea of the social dynamics of WB, especially that of the lower strata of the society ? workers, peasants and other toiling people in general. The events were known to all concerned ones, but what they signify was simply overlooked and grossly misunderstood by many.
What were the events? Among the workers the first of such events occurred in the Garden Reach Ship Builders in 1992 and very slowly, almost imperceptibly slowly but surely it spread to workers of some other factories. In 1994 a spark of this burst forth in several jute mills for some time. From 2002 onwards the Jute Industry is witnessing a strange form of struggle where workers distanced them from all established trade unions, didn't built up any own organisation of their own, but are continuing to fight in a united way against attacks of capitalists; we cannot, however say how longer they can continue fighting this way. Workers' endeavour to fight independently were and are seen in places out of West Bengal too. In the autumn of 2004 the first rural revolt that drew attention happened in a village in Ausgram block of Bardhaman district where hundreds and hundreds of village poor independently, without taking a party umbrella or going to a leader of any opposition party, rebelled and the apparent issue or occasion was utter corruption in distribution of rice of Antyodaya and Annupurna schemes of govt for BPL (Below Poverty Line or Targeted Public Distribution System). The same incident occurred in 3 more villages of the same block within a fortnight and also at an other village miles apart, reason everywhere being the same. (We dealt with that issue in the October 2004 issue of this magazine and showed why those incidents were going to be a trend-setter for future.) Then, from end-May 2006 the Singur fight started, the reason is too well known to need further narration, and from early January 2007 started the Nandigram struggle. The autumn and early winter of 2007 showed an almost repetition of Ausgram incidents, but now on a scale and pitch many times heightened and wider.
What these events reveal? If we investigate the past we shall see that there is a sign of disenchantment with the traditional established left parties, particularly the CPIM among the lower, toiling, exploited, oppressed strata of WB society and their consequent distancing from the left. And those events were not simply scattered, unconnected and unrelated data connected only with some local troubles or wrongdoings of this or that leaders of CPIM (and/or CITU). Rather, they follow a definite pattern and show a definite trend is crystallizing within the society. Election result is the expression of that trend that was in disguised form, visible only to communist cadres to some extent entrenched within the masses of people of toiling lower strata of the society. So, this panchayat election result didn't show the victory of TMC (and Congress) rather it showed the defeat of CPIM - and for defeating CPIM the masses of people chose whatever party was at hand that could ensure a defeat of CPIM. We shall have to explain this further.
First let us see why the village poor and toiling people of WB went, and are still going, against CPIM. Next will come the question ? why they chose TMC/Congress to defeat CPIM.
When the CPIM came to power in 1977, the village poor saw some palpable changes. The tenant-peasants didn't, of course, get the land right by much hyped 'Operation Barga', but at least were relieved of the continuous worry of being evicted at the whim of the babu-landholder. Landless and almost landless peasants got some petty scrap pieces of land, perhaps only a thirtieth of a hectare only in average in most places - nonetheless, he had none and now the govt gave him something! Panchayats came into existence in 1978. More relief measures for the poorest of the poor, like tiny IRDP loans for buying a paddy boiling pan or a van-rickshaw etc trickled down. More central govt schemes started coming ? like the Indira Aabas, Jawahar Rozgaar, etc. So, during the left reign the then imperialist advised land reform program was thus materialising in WB and simultaneously imperialist advised and sponsored 'green revolution' started spreading. All these led to some more job creation. (Though increase of the irrigation facility depended more on private initiative. ) But, the first signs of evil sides of green revolution was already visible in the old green revolution areas in early-mid 1980s, like depletion of ground-water, some sort of 'diminishing returns' in the sense that more and more fertilisers, more and more micro-nutrients deficiency and insecticides-pesticides dependence became visible, etc. Nevertheless, in sum a sense of optimism spread.
But the first jolts of globalisation shook the villages in 1993 when the fertiliser prices were increased. At the start of the new century more and more signs of adverse after-effects both of globalisation and green revolution were plainly visible. Yield-increase became sluggish or was making jerky-halt. A symptom of stagnation worried the villages which have by then lost their optimism. Village money-bags have already stopped investing in agriculture. Jobs are diminishing with increased idle hands waiting for jobs. Situation in villages is so desperate that the govt could announce only 100 days-a-year job as a boon! The withdrawal of subsidy hurt the poor; the near total dismantling cum malfunctioning of the govt health care for the poor made poor toilers all the more vulnerable; the demise of public distribution system and introduction of BPL, which excluded names of many a poor from the 'official' list of poor have made life more difficult. ... the malfunctioning, the infectivity of rural economy is crying for a solution. Life has become intolerable and is still growing unbearable more and more.
Frantically, the CPIM govt is moving from door to door of imperialist masters for some solution - taking consultation, advice from Mc Kinsey ? the advisor of the govt of USA too; CPIM is thinking of negotiating with capitalists for agro retail chains, making hell bent efforts to invite foreign and native capitalists... etc. They had not heard perhaps about the results of such experimentations in other countries, even of tests in other states India. The first major large scale demonstration of contract farming was led by Pepsi Foods in Punjab. The company set up a factory at Zahura, Punjab in 1989 for the manufacture of tomato paste with a capacity of 30 tonnes per hour. This required 40,000 tonnes of tomatoes annually for a 60 day working. HUL bought that company in 1995 and then HUL closed it down again before a couple of years or so, perhaps because the first 10-12 years' tax/etc exemption phase ended! But what the farmers got in long term? The price of tomato has dropped from Rs. 4.50 per kg to Rs. 1.85 per kg, clearly indicating a drastic fall in farm income and increase in the profits of the company. Hence a radical solution rather than some mending work of the ragged rural economy is needed; nothing short of a thoroughgoing democratic revolution can save the agrarian economy from crisis!
But the dissension of the rural toilers are not due to reasons solely economic. There are social aspects too. Apart from getting help of some relief program the people of the lower rungs of rural society got one thing valuable under CPIM rule and panchayat in their early year - they felt empowered to speak with their heads high; they can be no more snubbed. The tyranny of the old gentry, the Congress-babu-s, landlords declined, with the prestige, domination of those fellows dwindling. At that time the rural gentry used to grumble with disgust about the Chhotolok-s (it is the antonym of 'Bhadralok' or gentlemen and a derogatory term for Dalit, Adivasi and poor 'mlechchha' or Muslim who are mainly labourers, poor peasants, tenant-peasants etc or do other manual works): "These chhotoloks, pampered by the party, are crossing limits!..." But just after ten years, by 1987-'88, those at the bottom saw a case-reversal: the rural rich folks, the babu-s were entering the party, panchayat without hindrance. The mental make-up of the party leaders were changing, they were learning fast how to behave like the old gentry. Corruption took deep roots. The village poor toilers were by that time complaining, "We saved those comrades during emergency, for their security we spent sleepless nights with whatever we had, at that time their living standards were modest, ... ... and now they are having two/three storied houses, motor bikes ... ." But, for a single 'ration card' or a 'BPL certificate', necessary for availing the shabby 'free medical treatment' in govt hospitals, etc the poor fellows are to wait at the doors of the same party-panchayat babu-s, and how insulting is their behaviour, it seems they are the new 'lords'! The Dalits were feeling let down, the Muslims too - and the Sachar Committee report only portrayed a part of the picture to them which they already knew from experiences of their own life. They were feeling let down. The lower strata of the rural society of WB were getting frustrated, getting angry. One cannot tolerate this life anymore! The village poor are telling all these through a single word, CPIM's "highhandedness" (dadagiri). But behind this expression is their desire to be treated as 'equals', their desire for real democracy. The question of destruction of the old society, the undemocratic social structure is coming to fore. The necessity of peoples democratic revolution is being thrown up from the society.
Still a question may surface. "Why the village poor, at poles apart from Congress stream of politics at rural Bengal, chose TMC (and Congress) to defeat CPIM? Have you not written in the Para describing events about 'Workers' endeavour to fight independently...' and '...hundreds and hundreds of village poor independently, without taking a party umbrella or going to a leader of any opposition party, rebelled ...' etc? They could have done something of their own in the panchayat poll too. Could not they fight that election floating an independent platform of their own?"
But raising such question will be ignoring the objective reality. Let us look at the objective reality.
There is the overwhelming effect of the disastrous defeat of the international working class movement. The defeat has disintegrated the working class. There is a deep sense of frustration, loss of faith. The defeat robbed of the oppressed masses of the dream of a society of equals, to fight for that dream, etc ? this affected the toiling people all over the world. Reawakening of the international working class is only very slowly taking place and that too in a zigzag way and through queer incidents and ways perhaps previously unseen or unknown. The peasants or villagers at large of WB is no exception ? and they will need more time.
Secondly there is the long sway of reformism, of reformist party. The old party has decayed yielding a nauseating pungent smell, but the new is yet not there. But then, contesting election means doing a political job (in the sense of opposing other political parties on some political grounds or other) in an organised manner in a locality for a range of time. (Otherwise, one will have to criticise the existing party or panchayat member because it/s/he failed to deliver so many Indira Aabas scheme money, or that much NREGP jobs, or misappropriated funds, etc - demanding more relief/petty-reform etc in the same reformist vein as that of the left parties like CPIM - which, in fact, several so called CR groups are not averse of doing, as seen in their grassroot level propaganda for this panchayat election!) Moreover, West Bengal villages have one peculiarity manufactured by CPIM - penetration of 'party-politics' in the village level even into familial matters like quarrel between brothers or between husband and wife ? where the party is the supreme arbitrator! The village peasants with their power (of militant struggle and of supporting a party which they thought to be theirs) put CPIM in power, and then conferred this power of theirs in the hands of CPIM for struggle, themselves thus becoming powerless in front of a powerful, Omnipotent party! So the village poor are again in search of a party, a party to rely on ? according to their tradition - but if the party wants to be truthful to the cause of peoples democratic revolution, socialist revolution and socialism ? it must tell the people that power resides with the toiling people themselves. Anyway, their search of party is not over and that is also an impediment to crystallize the fight/struggle into organisation.
Thirdly, the lower strata of rural people do not have the natural 'tradition' as that of the organised workers of having or building up trade unions. They are not organised by the very labour process as it happens in the case of factory workers. They are heterogeneous with respect to precise class basis.
Fourthly, the workers, who have all such advantages could not yet make a good stride in the new direction, thanks to the deep rooted penetration of reformist- revisionist-parliamentary-legalist... politics that CPIM (and CPI and their TU organisations AITUC, CITU etc) has been preaching and practising since birth! But the workers saw, and can understand if told, how the old got rotten; hence, the workers are slowly dissociating from the old lefts, and not only them but also TU of all established parties. They are learning to rely on themselves, to run their own organisation themselves and keeping those under their own control. Just imagine how difficult it is for village poor, who are of multiple strata, to prepare themselves at the level of workers! Plus - Can one imagine how difficult it is for the village poor with all these difficulties to step ahead from a short timed revolt (a day or two) to building an organisation of their own and a long term movement carried on in an organised manner with organisation under their control!!
Fifthly and lastly, it is very v-e-r-y difficult for the village poor even to fill up nomination papers and do the formalities necessary in the Block Development Office ? the office Babu-s there can make the process too thorny for them to walk through. Plus, there is the undercurrent of threat by the CPIM that is present in all places, their arrival at the Block Office would only expose them and their motive to the 'party' they fear!
There were subjective failures too ? and for that the village toiling poor may blame the so called camp of communist revolutionaries. In general they (the CR groups) did not take the initiative to enlighten the village toiling people at least to think in that direction ? a thing which is so unusual even to imagine for an ordinary rural proletariat or semi-proletariat. But it is not imaginary. After the great defeat, the crushing wheels of capital smashing the world toiling people with its recent-most ventures: Globalization, liberalisation, we are witnessing a very slow process of reawakening of the international movement. At this juncture it is highly obligatory for the activists to spread the message of the necessity of coming forward and taking the rein of movement and organisation by the workers and other toiling people by themselves. It is them, the workers and other toiling people, who will bring forth the revolution, change the society, it is them who will run the country in future.
All these point to the extreme objective difficulties of this new trend to show itself independently and perceptibly in the Panchayat elections by means of floating their own organisation(s). However, in spite of all the points said above, the 'new' declared its arrival, and this time too only in few villages. But, were not the number of revolting villages only a few, 3-4-5, in 2004? Naturally, the 'new' will not be free from impurities of 'old', the 'new' may reveal itself with many oddities, even sometimes the new may show itself wrapped in some apparent distortions .... We are to look into the essence of the revolts and in particular of the apparently strange conduct of the rural poor in the last panchayat poll. There is something more that what is seen. Of course there will be and have to be conscious fight by the conscious cadres if the 'new' need to blossom fully. Here lies the optimism.
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