Clash Between Dera Sacha Sauda & Sikhs: Another Complex Expression of Indian Reality
It started on May 14, 2007. There was a clash between followers of Sacha Sauda Sect and group of Sikh people at Bhatinda, Punjab and at least 25 people were injured in the clash. It started when photograph of Gurmit Ram Rahim Singh, self-proclaimed Guru of Sacha Sauda attired in the dress of Guru Govind Singh, 10th Sikh Guru distributing 'amrit', was published in some newspapers. It hurt religious sentiments of a section of Sikh people, they appeared in the streets with open Kripan, started attacking Sacha Sauda Deras, burnt effigy of Gurmit Ram Rahim Singh. On 15th, Sacha Sauda followers retaliated in different places of Punjab & Rajasthan. In Bhatinda, protesters put fire in police van, attacked Deputy Commissioner's Office and Govt Circuit House. At least 50 people were injured in the clash. Tension spread at Amritsar, Ludhiana, Ferozepur, Moga, Hoshiarpur and many other places. It continued till 22nd May. Security forces were deployed, schools-colleges remained closed, thousands of extra police and soldiers were deployed all over Punjab, machine-gun wielding soldiers were posted, anti-riot Rapid Action Force marched through different sensitive areas.
Akal Takht asked state government to take punitive action against Sacha Sauda chief. They called for social boycott of followers of Sacha Sauda. Sacha Sauda chief was called to present himself before Akal Takht and to apologize for his sacrilegious behavior. Sacha Sauda chief, from his part, refused to apologize, as he claimed that he had done nothing wrong.
After much violence across state of Punjab and some other states, Sacha Sauda Chief issued sort of clarification, wherein he stated that a misunderstanding appeared to be at the root of the hurt evinced by the Sikhs, as neither had he dishonored any Sikh guru nor had he the intentions to do so. With this, violence was stopped, at least for the time being.
During this time, information pouring thru' media is that Sacha Sauda has a large political clout, with leaders like Om Prakash Chautala, Prakash Singh Badal keep connection with Sacha Sauda Chief; during recently concluded Punjab Assembly election, Sacha Sauda Chief instructed his followers to support Congress (I), which led to Shiromani Akali Dal's (SAD) decimation in South Punjab heartland; and Congress (I) won at least 30 seats in this region. According to media reports, once SAD won Assembly election, it decided to exert vengeance over Sacha Sauda. On April 23, 2007, almost one month before the conflict, a Sacha Sauda memorial in Mansa was attacked and destroyed.
Prior to this episode, few of us outside Punjab heard much about Sacha Sauda. So, when the news first broke thru' media, most of us were confused. Somehow, at the face of the incidents, conflict appeared to be a religious one. Subsequent information that drew our attention was that most of the people, participated in clashes on behalf of Sacha Sauda Chief, are dalits.
In this respect, following information appears to be relevant:
- 'Sacha Sauda', a religious sect, generally identified as "non-Sikh" one, was established in 1948 with headquarter at Sirsa, Haryana.
- According to information provided by "Frontline", in its issue dated June 15, 2007, Sacha Sauda claims to have 160 Branches (i.e. Deras) in 13 States and an astounding 30 million followers nationwide.
- Sacha Sauda insists that all gods are one and does not ask its followers to renounce their religious affiliations. Among its doctrinal mandates, most significant one is that each sect follower, must spend half an hour each day meditating on a naam, or phrase from the Guru Granth Sahib, which shows that though they claim to be a "non-Sikh" Sect, their doctrines have a root in the Sikh religion. It has listed its 47 precepts (contradicting Akal Takht code applicable to all Sikhs), first among which is that its followers must renounce their caste names and instead adopt the term insa - short for insaniyat, or humanity.
- About 70% of its followers are dalits of Punjab. Among its upper caste devotees, most are coming from landless farmers and small peasants of Punjab. During recent conflict, most of the participants from Dera Sacha were Mazhabis and Ramdasias, both known as dalit Sikh.
Such type of clashes is not new. Not only that, occurrence of such clashes has become more frequent in Rural Punjab during recent times, though only a few among them draws media attention. Another major clash in recent times that drew major media attention in 2001 was between Bhaniarawalas & orthodox Sikhs. It also reflected stark similarity in different aspects with present clash. Brief description of that incident will not be irrelevant to refer here.
Bhaniarawalas are followers of another religious Guru, namely Piara Singh Bhaniara. According to police estimates, during mid-nineties he had followers of no less than 6,00,000, majority of whom were Mazhabis. His increasing popularity raised alarm bell to orthodox Sikh religious leaders and in 1998, jathedar of Akal Takht excommunicated him for being anti-Sikh. Matter did not stop there and in 2001, Akal Takht again wanted to chastise him for having too large a following. This time, he refused to obey summons of Akal Takht saying that he was still excommunicated and not liable to obey commands of Takht. Matters became worse thereafter.
During mid 2000, one of his followers was denied permission to carry the Guru Granth Sahib. from the local gurdwara for some religious ceremony at home. It is common custom among Sikhs to carry holy book to home from nearby gurdwara for religious ceremony. Equally common are refusals to hand over holy book to those who are disapproved of by the upper caste leaders of gurdwaras. This time it hurt sentiment of followers of Baba Bhaniara and they demanded to have a holy book of their own, over which people of higher caste would have no control. It resulted into creation of a new religious granth from Baba Bhaniara in 2001, named as Bhavsagar Samundar Amrit Vani. It contained number of photographs of various politicians visiting Baba. Not only that, in one of the photographs Baba Bhaniara, appeared as Guru Govind Singh, tenth guru of Sikhs with his attires. In another photograph, he appeared riding a horse in the manner of Guru Gobind Singh.
In September 2001, members of "Khalsa Action Force" attacked one religious ceremony of Bhaniarawalas at Ludhiana where the newly written holy book was displayed. They snatched and burnt the book. In retaliation, Guru Granth Sahib was burnt at different rural gurdwaras. Police arrested some young men from different villages who admitted that they had burnt Guru Granth Sahib at the instance of Baba Bhaniara. That in turn sparked off a cycle of violence. Baba Bhanaiara was charged for inciting communal violence and arrested under National Security Act. Many of his followers were put into jail. Bhavsagar granth was banned by the government. Copies under circulation were confiscated. Deras of Bhaniarawalas across the state were destroyed. In some places, Deras were forcibly converted into Sikh gurdwaras. No action was taken against those who had perpetrated these attacks. Politicians "close" to Baba were castigated by Akal Takht. The then SAD govt, led by Prakash Singh Badal, was accused of being soft on such "renegade" Babas threatening Sikhism. Baba was released from jail in 2003. But District magistrate of Ropar banned him to enter not only in Dhamiana, his Dera, but also into the district. Govt banned celebration of his birthday on August 23 every year, but still it is celebrated every year. And the controversy between Bhaniarawalas and Sikhs is yet to be resolved.
In both the clashes, few things appear as common. (1) Both Sacha Sauda & Bhaniarawalas are organized as independent religious sect, consisting mainly by the dalits of Punjab. (2) For both Sacha Sauda & Bhaniarawalas, strong political clout with existing parliamentarian political parties and its leaders are evident. (2) Both the clashes were surfaced by way of defying Sikh religious sentiments, which in other words can be stated as religious rebellion.
Other than Sacha Sauda & Bhaniarawalas, many other religious sects are also now operative in Punjab & surrounding states. Dalits are enrolling themselves in these sects and by this way they are veering themselves away from mainstream Sikh religion. It is estimated that there are about 9000-odd Deras in Punjab today, servicing 12,329 villages. Among them, most popular are Radha Soamis, Sacha Sauda, Nirankaris, Namdharis, Divya Jyoti Sansthan, Bhaniarawalas, and Ravidasis. All of them deny formulating any new religion and people belonging to all religions can become their members without relinquishing their previous religious identities. Almost 80 per cent people of Punjab are affiliated with different Deras of such Sects, which can broadly be categorised as Sikh and non-Sikh and it is believed that now-a-days these Deras garner 90% of the religious donations of the state. Non-Sikh Deras enjoy large number of followings among the Dalits. Though these Sects claim to be non-sectarian, many of their Deras are organised in caste lines. In many Deras, membership depends on the particular Caste identity of the aspirant groups. Almost 70 per cent followers of Sacha Sauda are Mazhabi and Ramgharia Dalits. In case of Namdharis, members are primarily of the Ramgharia caste. Bhaniarawala Deras are strongholds of the Mazhabis. In the Ravidasis Deras, large majority of the followers belong to Chamars and Ad Dharmis Caste. Among followers of Radha Soamis sect, more than 50 per cent are Dalits. Similarly among Deras of Divya Jyoti Sansthan, participation of Dalits is much more than that of upper castes.
Majority of Jats are followers of Sikh Deras. It is rare that the head of a Sikh Dera would be a non-Jat Sikh. Even if there would be one, he could not be a Dalit at all. At most, Dalit Sikhs participation in Sikh Deras is confined only to the narration of the Sikhs' sacred texts and performing of Kirtan (musical rendering of sacred hymns).?Those who perform Kirtan are known as Raagis, and the professional narrators of the sacred texts who read it in a stylized manner are popularly known as Granthis. Majority of the Raagis and Granthis are Dalit Sikhs. Very few Jat Sikhs take up such professions. In the Sikh Deras, Sikh code of conduct is strictly followed and only Gurubani of Guru Granth Sahib is recited. Whereas in the non-Sikh Deras though Gurubani from Guru Granth Sahib is recited but at the same time other sacred texts are also referred to. In non-Sikh Deras idol worship and devotion towards human Guru is not an anathema like that in Sikh theology.
So, it is evident, from religious perspective, Punjabi Society has now been broadly divided between Sikh Deras & Non-Sikh Deras. While Sikh Deras are predominantly constituted by Sikh Jats, Non-Sikh Deras are broadly constituted by different Dalit sections. But, again they are being organized in caste lines in different Sects/Deras. In this way, dalits of Punjab are striving for an independent identity by way of isolating themselves from mainstream Sikh religion.
Why such clashes are occurring frequently in Punjab? Why such events are gaining momentum? To get an answer to these questions, a thorough study of the issue from economic as well as different socio-political perspective is demanded. We have no hesitation to confess that we are far from doing the same. However, in the proceeding sections we are trying to approach the problem from this perspective with our limited study, so that at least we can have some very preliminary understanding of such a complex expression of Indian reality.
Economic Transformation in Punjab:
Before proceeding further, let us clarify one thing. To study the economic transformation of Punjab in its totality is not the purview of this article. Here, we'll refer only those aspects which has appeared relevant to us to understand our present question.
Though Jats of Punjab were recognized as a separate community long ago, during the rule of Maharaja Ranjit Singh (1780-1839) they emerged as a major part of the ruling class. We must remember that during his kingdom, different Sikh factions were first united into one state. Sikh Jats were the major recipients of jagirs during his time. Further change in their lives came with Sepoy Mutiny. Jat Sikhs played crucial role to suppress rebellion of sepoys. Once rebellion was suppressed, British Indian Army was re-organised in 1858 in line of 'martial races'. Jat Sikhs were recognised as one of the most prominent 'martial races'. After the mutiny, 'Sikh Regiment' in British Indian Army was constituted exclusively with the Jats. This brought further changes in the economic lives of a large section of this community. Many of them utilized their earnings from military service to purchase arable lands in the countryside of Punjab.
At the same time, separate regiment was constituted with the mazhabis, lower caste of the Sikh community. Mazhabis constituted exclusively the Sikh Pioneers 23, 32, and 34 regiments, later named 'Sikh Light Infantry' - exclusively separated and distinguished from 'Sikh regiments'. It also brought a major change in the economic & social life of a section of Mazhabi community. Their recruitment as soldiers in the British Indian Army had helped to raise their economic & social status.
British rulers took another major step which in effect further consolidated position of Jats in land relations. They enacted Punjab Land Alienation Act in 1901. It was enacted primarily to save the farmers who became trapped by debt to the then khatri, arora or brahmin moneylenders. According to this Act, agricultural land could be purchased or acquired only by people belonging to the 'agricultural castes'. Jats were mainly identified as 'agricultural castes' by the British rulers. Lower castes were barred from doing the same even if they had the money required. After 1947, B R Ambedkar, as law minister, moved to repeal this Act in 1952. Punjab Land Alienation Act further consolidated position of jats in land relationship.
Almost at the same time, British rulers planned to develop nine canal colonies during 1885-1940, which involved allocation of over 40,00,000 acres of land for ownership and cultivation. Land was allocated, as a rule, to the 'dominant castes', again Jats. Mazhabis, Balmikis and Ramdasias/Ravidasias, all lower caste people were not allowed to own land. Only a small number of Mazhabis retired soldiers were allotted land in two Mazhabis settlements. It was found that more than half of these allottees later became landowners and tenants. On the other hand, 'untouchables' or kamins were not even entitled to build pucca houses on the land on which they stayed.
However, during development of Canal colonies, large number of lower caste/'outcastes' people joined as labourers. Number of 'general labour' required for work on the canals was 3,71,940 in 1891, which increased to 8,32,689 in 1901. Mazhabis and Chamars constituted the largest groups of migrant labours to the colonies. This also in effect changed economic position of these people and their aspiration to rise in the upper ladder of the social mobility increased.
Establishment of colonies further contributed development of new towns and mandis in adjoining areas. A section of the lower caste, largely chamars, moved to towns, working in mandis or in the municipal service. Establishment of factories provided opportunities for skilled and unskilled labour, as also managerial jobs to some of the lower caste members. The 1911 Census recorded 13,200 chamar Sikhs working in industries like leather manufacturing. These factors brought further changes in material conditions for a section of lower castes/'outcastes' in the Sikh community and inequalities even among different sections of the Dalits had also been increased.
Here, referring an interesting observation made by none other than one British Bureaucrat M L Middleton, ICS made in 1911 in the census Report for Punjab and Delhi regarding the role of British rulers in consolidation of caste division in Punjab will not be completely irrelevant. This statement has been referred in the article "Scheduled Castes in Sikh Community: A Historical Perspective" - by Harish K Puri, published in EPW June 28, 2003. The observation is, as stated: "These castes (Scheduled Castes) have been largely manufactured and almost entirely preserved as separate castes by the British government. Our land records and official documents have added iron bands to the old rigidity of caste. We pigeonholed everyone by castes, and if we could not find a true caste for them, we labelled them with the name of the hereditary occupation. We deplore the caste system and its effects on social and economic problems, but we are largely responsible for the system we deplore". We are not in position to assess how much valid above observation is in historical perspective, but it is evidently established from above observation that British rulers played an important role to consolidate Punjab people in caste lines.
So-called "Green Revolution" further widened social & economic inequalities. Economic and political clout of a large section of Jats as landowning class has further been consolidated. It brought prosperity in their lives. Though most of these rich farmers of Punjab continued to live in the village, they attained the economic position to avail all the modern amenities of urban living in their homes. On the other end, a much larger section of the Punjabi society, incidentally most of whom are Dalits polarized as agricultural labours in rural Punjab.
Finally, after all these economic transformation of Punjab, economically where do majority of Dalits of Punjab stand right now? Following statistics may put some light to our enquiry.
According to Census 2001, total Scheduled Caste population for more than 6 years age in Punjab is 59,43,161. Agricultural labourers (Main workers and marginal workers both inclusive) among them is 9,97,737. Cultivators among total SC population is 1,00,422. More than half (55.2 per cent) of Mazhabis work as agricultural labourers. Mazhabis are the ones with the lowest literacy rate (42.3 per cent) among Dalits of Punjab, more than one-third among them have an educational level below primary level and only 15 per cent have more than a middle school education.
According to another source, many of the Mazhabis still work as Siris (Bonded Labour). Though the Siri system has ceased to exist in the state, but in Malwa region some of the Mazhabis still work as Siris. According to a field-based study of 26 villages in Malwa region, 21 had Dalits working as Siris..
It provides us some picture of true economic status of Dalits of Punjab today.
Caste Characteristics in Punjab & Its Transformation:
a) Some basic information: According to Census of 2001, Scheduled castes constitute 30.3% population in Punjab, highest among the states in India. Over 80 per cent of them live in rural areas. There are total of 38 castes among Dalits in Punjab. Out of these, two belong to Sikh religion. Scheduled castes belonging to Sikh religion are known as Mazhabi Sikhs and Ramdasia Sikhs and they together constitute around three-fourths of the entire dalit population of the state. Rest is relatively less mobilized and more disadvantaged. Punjab government has recently identified 13 communities among them as 'depressed scheduled castes'. Mazhabis were sweepers who converted first to Islam from Hinduism, and later to Sikhism (a section of them still belong to Hindu religion). Ramdasias were weavers before their conversion to Sikhism. Ramdasia Sikhs are mostly confined to the Doaba and Malwa sub-regions of the state and majority of them are Sahajdhari Sikhs - those who do not observe the Khalsa outward manifestation. Kanshi Ram, founder of the Bhaujan Samaj Party (BSP), was a Ramdasia Sikh. Mazhabi Sikhs are mostly concentrated in the Majha (between Beas and Ravi Rivers) and Malwa (south of the Sutlej River) sub-regions of Punjab - the battlefield of recent violent clashes.
b) Discrimination & Atrocities to Dalits: According to Surinder S Jodhka, who made an extensive field-study of 51 villages selected from the three sub-regions of Punjab observed regarding untouchability in Punjab in his article "Caste & Untouchability in Rural Punjab", published in EPW May 11, 2002, that:
Now, crude forms of discrimination, in particular untouchability, are not overtly seen in Punjab. However, in the question of participation in religious activities commonly with higher caste people, some forms of discrimination can palpably be seen. In the gurdwaras built and managed by the local upper castes, dalits normally feel that they are not treated at par with their counterparts from the upper castes, their children are asked to come for the 'langar' after everyone else had finished eating, they are often asked to sit in separate queues for the langar, are avoided touching their plates while serving them food, not allowed to participate in the cooking and serving of the langar, are often told to sit outside the main door of the gurdwara. For that reason in most of the villages, dalits have stopped going to the local gurdwara. Even on special occasions, such as religious festivals, they prefer to stay at home and have their private celebrations.
However, in terms of atrocities over Dalits, Punjab is no different from other states of India. It has now been a common practice to rape, gang rape, stripping naked, stripping and walking dalit women by jat landowners in the villages, invariably with covert support from policemen, in order to punish the dalits for non-payment of loans taken by male members and to avenge felt insults. The underlying purpose, stated or unstated, remains one of 'teaching a lesson to the dalits'. Social boycott of the dalits in the village is another method which has, of late, been more frequent than earlier, leading inevitably to intervention by district administration for 'razinama' (compromise).
Harinder Singh Khalsa, a member of the National Commission for scheduled castes and scheduled tribes, observed, evidently with some pain, 'Punjab has no untouchability, probably because of Sikhism, but I am ashamed to say that in committing atrocities on dalits, we do not lag behind' (Indian Express, August 21, 2000). (Quoted in the article 'Scheduled Castes in Sikh Community: A Historical Perspective' - by Harish K Puri, published in EPW June 28, 2003)
.Finally, a statement from Dr. Pramod Kumar, Director of Institute of Development and Communication, Chandigarh, appears very significant to understand the nature of Dalit atrocities in Punjab, signifying that, finally nature of atrocities in Punjab is in no way different from other states in India. "Although Punjab has the largest proportion of Dalits in the country - at least 31 per cent - they have never been properly mobilised. They are also politically deprived, so they are not articulate. While researching atrocities on women, we found rape cases were often brought before the panchayat rather than the police and the courts. If the rapist is a Jat, it is not even considered a crime and the victim's father is told to keep his daughter in check. But if a Dalit is accused of rape, they let the law take its course." He further added that Punjab has already seen waves of class and religious conflict, and that it was not improbable that the next phase of turbulence could be set off by caste. (Referred in the article 'Casteist Assault' - by ANNIE ZAIDI, published in the 'Frontline' dated Feb 10, 2006).
c) Incidents of Dalit Assertions: During last few years there have been number of cases of resistance and conflict appearing in Punjab's villages. Construction of separate gurdwara by the Dalits in almost all the villages is common phenomenon now in Punjab and it has been causing serious resentment among Jat landowners and SGPC. In some of the Ravidasi temples, pictures of 'Guru Ravidas' as well as of Babasaheb Ambedkar are installed within the precincts. The presence of an idol of Guru Ravidas, close to the Guru Granth Sahib, which is considered improper according to Sikh tenets, became, for example, a cause for jat-dalit tension in basti Jodhewal of Ludhiana (The Indian Express, November 11, 2001).
Another significant dimension of dalit people's search for independent identity is reflected in large scale movement of Sikh dalits towards a large number of deras and sects, regarding which a lot of space has already been occupied in this article.
Another aspect of Dalit assertion in Punjab. "According to State government data, Punjab's Dalits are increasingly asserting their right to seek justice through the legal system. The number of cases reported under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act has steadily increased. For instance, four rapes and seven murders were reported in 1992 amongst a total of 18 cases. Sixty-six cases were registered in 2000, of which three were murders and 10 were rapes. In 2004, as many as 94 cases were reported, including 13 of rape and one of murder". ("Casteist Assault", published in 'Frontline', Feb 10, 2006)
In this respect, case of Bant Singh demands special attention. On January 7, 2006 he, a Dalit and resident of Jhabbar in the southern Punjab district of Mansa, was brutally beaten with iron rods by a group of Jat youths from the same village, which finally led to amputation of two hands and one leg. This was a brutal retaliation of the upper caste youths of Mansa against the persisting legal battle pursued by Bant Singh against rape of his minor daughter Baljeet Kaur. Initially, in accordance to common practice in Punjab, he and his family was pressurized to accept cash as compensation and threatened with violence if they refuse to do so. Due to his refusal, village Panchayat, led by upper caste Jats, finally offered him compensation even up to Rs 10 lacs, and gold ornaments and a scooter for his daughter, but he and his family refused to accept the same and demanded legal justice. Finally, he won the legal battle in 2004, district court convicted 3 of the accused. It was the first time a Dalit from the region making complaint against upper-caste violence had been able to secure legal justice. Finally, upper caste Jats retaliated in 2006 by chopping off his two hands and a leg. An important factor of Bant Singh and his family being able to pursue legal battle sustaining all pressures from local upper caste people is that he is an activist of "Mazdoor Mukti Morcha", a left organisation. In Mansa, he is popularly known as dalit singer.
Some other expressions of dalit assertion, sometimes violent in nature, has been reported in the article "Up the Ante", by Chander Suta Dogra dated September 19, 2005, published in "The Outlook India". It has reported that: "In Punjab, Dalit anger is more visible and organised. This is reflected in scores of running disputes over village common lands, gurudwaras or deras between Dalits and Jats in recent years. In 2003, Talhan village on the outskirts of Jalandhar emerged on the political consciousness of the state due to the violent clashes between Dalits and upper-caste Jats there, over control of a religious shrine. Though Dalits are 70 per cent of the population in Talhan, the Rs 5 crore annual offerings at the shrine were controlled by the 20 per cent Jat Sikh landlords. The Dalits wanted a place in the shrine's managing committee and managed to get it after holding a week-long violent agitation in which one Dalit died and scores were wounded.
There are other instances of growing Dalit assertion in villages:
- In Bhujo Mandi in Bhatinda district, an old dera (a shrine set up by a sant) called Roomiwala was given the status of a gurudwara and the Guru Granth Sahib was placed there. Dalits have always had a separate entrance and a different enclosure to partake of the langar. For the last three years, Dalits have been demanding the right to cook and eat along with the others. .
- In Dhanal in Jalandhar district, when a Dalit got elected as the sarpanch, the upper-caste landlords demanded that the 25-acre village common lands, taken during the time of their forefathers, be returned. Some of them took forcible control of the land in April this year, and prevented the sarpanch from leasing it out. A local court has now asked the tehsildar to ensure that the elected panchayat gets control of the land. Tension persists.
- In Mehama, near Jalandhar, a dera patronised by the schedule castes grew in size over the years. When significant offerings began coming in, the upper- caste Jats got interested. A couple of Jat Sikh NRI youths constructed a hall there and a Guru Granth Sahib too was placed later. Now there is a dispute over whether the shrine is a gurudwara or a 'dera'. At an annual 'mela' in January, the Dalits were suddenly told not to cook at the traditional langar. A fight ensued and the district administration intervened. The offerings from the shrine are now with the SDM.
- Tension was high in two villages of Sangrur district over the lease of panchayat land. The dominant Jats had been taking the land on lease from the panchayat at cheap rates. The Dalits insisted they too should be part of the bidding. The local administration intervened to work out a compromise. For now. "
Development of Sikh Religion and its Transformation:
Sikhs constitute 63 per cent of Punjab's population at present. Their share in the rural population is higher; about 72 per cent. Punjab is the only state in India where Hindus are minority
.Sikh religion was born by rejecting caste system, specific characteristic of Hindu religion. To ensure evasion of caste division, some major steps were formulated in Sikh religious doctrine at its inception. Major among them was institution of 'sangat', 'langar' & 'amrit', i.e., equality in religious gatherings, eating of food together and drinking from a common bowl. Another formulation was practice of offering 'karah prasad' by any one including from the low castes, deposited in a single dish, and out of which thereafter, holy 'prasad' distributed to each one in the gathering. Another one was ceremony of baptism, where all first five initiates came from lower castes. Not only that, 'Guru Granth Sahib', the holy book, also included compositions of a number of saints like Sheikh Farid (a muslim), Kabir (a julah) and Ravidas (a chamar).
However, the fact remains that since beginning of Sikh religion, practice of its doctrine was such that every Sikh was equal in Gurdwara, in presence of Granth Sahib, in sangat and langar, but in the life outside, caste identity was still recognized. One who converted himself to Sikh religion converted himself keeping his caste identity intact. However, it is also found that all the 10 Gurus of Sikh religion came from khatri (upper caste) families and in the early years it were largely khatris who were the followers of Sikh religion. All the Gurus also married off their sons and daughters in khatri families.
But again, since Sikh religion defied caste hierarchy as defined in Hindu 'Varnasram', it did not place any community like Brahmins at the top of the hierarchy. However, situation started to alter once Jats were identified with nobility & ruling class since the time of Maharaja Ranjit Singh. They were ascended at the top of social hierarchy and it also led to caste hierarchical structure among Sikhs, though not recognized in religious doctrine. According to this structure, Jats practically took the top position of caste hierarchy (subsequently identified as higher caste in Punjab, though not same as Brahmins, while in some states Jats are backward caste, as identified in Wikipedia), khatris, aroras and lobanas (all Kshatriya community as identified in Wikipedia) came after them, followed by the artisan castes, among whom ramgarhias (Sikh carpenter caste) enjoy higher status than Ahluwalias (kalals). The menial or untouchable/Scheduled castes are at the bottom, just as among the Hindus. However, the perceptions regarding which caste is placed second, third and fourth varied both by the village and the caste one belonged to.
Another aspect that can be identified as specific characteristics in Sikh religion till this day is that priests or producers of religious knowledge of Sikhism do not remain limited exclusively to any community. Even the initial advantage enjoyed by the Bedis and Sodhis on that score was obliterated after the Gurdwara Reform Movement. Priests, ragis and sewadars (as employees) now largely come from the lower castes, including a noticeable number from the scheduled castes; and, it may be surprising, very few from the jat caste. Jat Sikhs would rather control the SGPC.
Role of Reform Movement in the Transformation of Sikh Religion & Dalit Assertion:
Singh Sabha movement - an important movement to reform Sikh community - launched during the 1880s, major exposition was 'Hum Hindu Nahin'. One major purpose of the movement was to bring lower caste people into Sikh religion in large numbers with a view to improve their status. One of its most prominent ideologues was Giani Ditt Singh. He came from an untouchable caste and had become a baptized Sikh. He was distressed by his intimate experience of Punjab villages that a baptised 'amritdhari' Sikh was identified primarily by his caste and treated accordingly. In his book entitled 'Naqli Sikh Prabodh', he castigated so-called high caste Sikhs as 'Naqli Sikhs'.
Overall the Singh Sabha Movement devoted more attention to bringing more and more numbers of the low castes into the Khalsa Sikh fold and opening of schools and colleges. "Though removal of untouchability was also a part of this movement, but the (same) amount of attention which was paid to the opening of schools and colleges, was not given to this aspect"
Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC) - constituted in 1926 - care was taken to co-opt three members from low caste communities. By 1933 there were over 200 persons belonging to the low castes who were recruited as religious priests, pathis, ragis and sewadars. Giani Pratap Singh cited a number of resolutions (gurmatas) adopted by the SGPC from 1926 to 1933, expressing 'shock' and 'regret' over the prevalence of discrimination against amritdhari low castes, and instructing or 'praying' the upper caste Sikhs not to deny to the Sikhs of the lower castes, access to temples and wells. Notice was taken of reports of concerted obstruction in the recruitment of mazhabis to the army and instructions were issued against such obstruction. Further, in 1953, by an amendment to (Punjab) Sikh Gurdwaras Act 1925, a provision was made for reservation of 20 seats for scheduled castes Sikhs out of a total of 140 elected seats in the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC). It was also decided that the junior vice-president in the executive committee of the SGPC would be chosen from scheduled castes.
Ad Dharmi Movement - started in the 1920s in Doaba region of Punjab -organized Scheduled Castes of Punjab to a new religion, which drew its inspiration from the Bhakti movement. Baba Mangoo Ram, a chamar by caste, took leadership of the movement in Doaba region. In 1909 he went to America for higher studies. While in California, he came in contact with Ghadar Movement.?He participated in weapon smuggling mission of the organisation.?He was arrested and given capital punishment but was saved from death sentence by chance as someone else in his name was executed. He set a clear agenda for Ad Dharmi movement.? In the poster announcing first annual meeting of Ad Dharm Movement, he devoted entire space to the hardships faced by untouchables at the hands of the caste Hindus. He also made an appeal to the Achhuts to come together to chalk out a program for their liberation and upliftment. While addressing Chamars, Chuhras, Sansis, Bhanjhras, Bhils etc. as brothers, he said, "We are the real inhabitants of this country and our religion is Ad Dharm. Hindu Qaum came from outside to deprive us of our country and enslave us. ? Hindus came down from Iran to Hind and destroyed our qaum. They deprived us of our property and rendered us nomadic. They razed down our forts and houses, and destroyed our history. We are seven Crores in numbers and are registered as Hindus in this country. Liberate the Adi race by separating these seven crores. ? Never consider ourselves as Hindus at all, remember that our religion is Ad Dharm". He demanded from the colonial rulers that the ad-dharmis be listed as a separate religious community and should not be clubbed either with the Hindus or the Sikhs. British rulers conceded their demand and they were listed separately in the 1931 Census. However, post-independence Indian state once again put them in the list of Hindu scheduled castes. Everyday practices of the ad-dharmis are closer to Sikhism. They worship Guru Granth Sahib. They also perform their weddings and other rituals according to Sikh tradition
.Reference of such type of other Reform Movements can be continued, but even these experiences are probably throwing us some light about the limitations of these movements.
Politicisation of Caste & Religion in Punjab
We don't have much scope to elaborate this section. But, one thing seems to be evident that Jat control of leadership in Shiromani Akali Dal since 1962 played an important role to alienate dalits from SAD. It is also learnt that so-called Communist Parties (CPI/CPM etc) are till now identified more or less as Jat parties in Punjab. Different religious sects, as earlier noted for Sacha Sauda and Bhaniarawala sects, for their some immediate gains has entered into alliances with such parties like Cong/SAD etc and its leaders at different times, who never represented true aspirations of Dalits. On the other hand, all these parties are also utilizing aspirations of Dalits for their electoral gains.
Finally -
On the basis of the discussion made till now, we may say that -
1. Historically, Jats of Punjab can be identified as a privileged community. In terms of Punjab, benefits of the process of capitalist development in India, made from above and by way of slow reforms, at a time done by the British Colonial rulers and subsequently after 1947, led by Indian ruling classes, have primarily been consolidated to a large section of Jats. And they are grossly identified as land-owning class. In can be said in other way that in Punjab, Jats are the prime-mover of exploitation in terms of land relation.
2. Sikh religion was born defying caste division & caste oppression. As a result, at a time, large numbers of oppressed lower caste and untouchable Hindus were converted to Sikh. However, Sikh religion never actually tried to abolish caste division. Not only that, even during the era of 10 Sikh Gurus, though identity thru' caste was not recognized in the sphere of religion, in all other social sphere existence of caste division was never truly challenged. Subsequently, with the advent of Jat community in economic as well as social sphere, authority of Sikh religion had shifted into the hands of propertied Jats and Jats have broadly been identified with Sikh religion. At the same time, their identity as upper caste has also been socially recognized in Punjab. During the process of capitalist development in India, large section among them has also been identified as land-owning class. So, finally to oppressed class of Punjab (exploited in terms of economic relation, while oppressed in terms of caste relation), the equation seems to appear as: Land-owning class = Higher caste Jats = Sikhs.
3. In terms of caste relation, Punjab has the highest %age of Dalit population. Again, from religious identity, dalit Sikhs are maximum in number. At the same time, a large section of Dalits are also agricultural labourers, most exploited section of Punjab society. So, at the end, in terms of social relation, equation seems: Agricultural labourers = Dalits = Sikhs.
4. It is also found that during course of capitalist development since British era, a section of Dalits of Punjab has economically been uplifted and their aspiration to rise in the social ladder has been increased. However, their Dalit identity is still obstructing them to be up in social identity. And, it leads them to strive for search of an independent social identity. As a result, it is found since 1st half of 20th century and continuing till now that, series of reform movements occurred primarily led by Bourgeoisie intellectuals and elites among Dalits whose search for liberation from caste discrimination and atrocities remain limited within the arena of alienating themselves from Sikh religion. And, they have, till now, more or less been successful to rally large section of oppressed Dalits with them. At the other end, liberals among Sikh religion has also kept their reform activities limited within the arena of participating more Dalits in Sikh religious organisations. And, these particular paths taken by all these reform movements have made the expression of Dalit assertions of Punjab in someway different from some other states of India.
5. As the assertion of Dalits for independent identity has increased, it further antagonizes land-owning higher caste Jats, which leads to rise in dalit atrocities.
6. It is evident that colonial British rulers took all necessary steps not only to preserve caste divisions in Punjab, it led to consolidate this division. After 1947, by way of granting same constitutional status and benefits for the Sikh scheduled castes as provided to Hindu scheduled castes and in this way constitutionally approving caste division in Sikh community, has actually followed the same path left by their British counterpart. All parliamentary political parties have since then utilized aspirations of Dalit castes for their electoral gains. Consolidation of Jat Sikhs in SAD has also helped all these parties to polarize Dalits of Punjab further in caste line. Roll of so-called "Left" parties is no less different here and in Punjab, they are more identified with higher caste Jats.
7. Effects of Globalisation-Liberalisation followed by Indian ruling classes since 1991 is further polarizing India between haves and have-nots in a much greater scale. Restlessness of have-nots of India is increasing day-by-day. And it is happening in such a time when there is no truly Working Class Party in India who can represent the real aspirations of not only the working class and peasantry, but that of all the exploited and oppressed section of society including Dalits-minority nationalities-religious minorities etc. In addition, worldwide defeat of 1st phase of socialist movement (including of Russia-China) have created a great vacuum in ideological plane. In absence of a truly liberating ideology and a truly Working Class party, different section of exploited and oppressed section of the society is venting their anger/frustration/restlessness in many different complex ways. In Punjab, a major expression of this assertion/anger/frustration/restlessness of the oppressed Dalit community is now being expressed by way of religious rebellion and confrontation like that happened in mid-May 2007.
8. Till this assertion will remain limited within the arena of religious rebellion like alienation from mainstream Sikh religion, being organized in new religious sects (that also again in caste line) and if required open street battle with mainstream Jat Sikhs on behalf of this sects as well as construction of new Gurdwara exclusively for the dalits -it will remain harmless to the ruling classes of India and to their parliamentary political parties, to whom preservation of caste division and discrimination is required for their own survival.
Oppressed Dalits of Punjab must have to sum up their experience of last 100 years in a positive way, if they are sincere to the question of abolition of not only the caste atrocities, but to the question of annihilation of caste. They have to think how long they will keep themselves bound with the arena of religious rebellion. For how long, they will be utilized by all the parliamentary political parties for their immediate electoral gains. And, Here They may take a cue from the Dalits of Maharastra, who have already taken a new path. However incomplete and insufficient it may be, reaction expressed by them regarding atrocity at Khairlanji, by way of alienating themselves from all old parties and taking the leadership of the protests exclusively into their own hand, is definitely showing a new path to the Dalits of India.
9. At the same time, industrial workers of India expect from dalit agricultural labourers of Punjab a truly positive role in the peasant struggle of India on the basis of their own economic demand exclusively independent from rich peasants of Punjab, which may also bring some new light to the struggle of the Dalits of India against caste oppression.
Most of the information provided here has been taken from:
- Caste & Untouchability in Rural Punjab - by Surinder S Jodhka, published in EPW May 11;lmed in EPW June 28, 2003.
- Caste Tensions in Punjab: Talhan & Beyond - by Surinder S Jodhka & Prakash Louis, published in EPW July 12, 2003.
- Caste & Religion in Punjab: Case of the Bhaniarawala Phenomenon - by Meeta & Rajivlochan, published in EPW May 26, 2007
- Faiths At War - by Praveen Swami & Aman Sethi, published in the "Frontline" dated June 15, 2007
- Casteist Assault - by ANNIE ZAIDI, published in the 'Frontline' dated Feb 10, 2006
- Different articles of Chander Suta Dogra, published astatine different times in the "Outlook" - available in www.outlookindia.com
- Social Catastrophe in the Making: Religion, Deras & Dalits in Punjab - by Dr Ronki Ram of Punjab University and also his other articles on Punjab Dalit issues, all published in www.ambedkartimes.com
- Sikh Community - by Dr Jarnail Singh, published in www.sikhbulletin.com
- phtt://punjabdalitsolidarity.blogspot.com
- http://en.wikipedia.org
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