Some Reflections On The Recent Gujjar Movement & Gujjar-Meena Clash
The conflict broke out at the end of May, and continued for more than a week, and it ended after a loss of few dozen lives, mostly in police firing, and some, in the Gujjar vs Meena clashes.
Unfortunately, the 'quota-war' between Gujjars and Meenas has provided the upper-class-upper-caste gentry with yet another chance to mock at all the 'lower' caste people, to contemptuously sneer at the very concept of Affirmative Action. In fact, words like 'quota-war' were ridiculously coined and circulated widely by those upper caste babu-s and sahib-s. On the other hand, this demanded all the more serious attention of the advanced section of the working class to problems regarding 'reservation' vis-?-vis the question of liberation of all oppressed people including the Dalits and Tribes.
Gujjars are a big community. If their community portals are to be believed, the residence of this scores of millions strong community is spread over a large area, from Western U.P. to Eastern Afghanistan and from Konkan, Maharashtra to Kashmir and Himachal. In India, various sources give their population to be 16 or 33 or even 56 million! In Pakistan, some sources claim, their number is almost 30 million!! (In the Indian Empire Census of 1881, the Gujjars, as a 'caste', numbered about one-and-a-quarter million.) They are heterogeneous; in the sense that many of them are landholding peasants or well off farmers, while some of them are still nomadic herdsman; Gujjars in different states speak different languages; many of them call themselves Kshatriya, and a number of of them are Brahmins too, they are considered as 'upper caste' relative to the Dalits, while many other Gujjars follow Islam. Sardar Vallabbhai Patel was, as is claimed, a Gujjar, and so is cricketer Shoaib Akhtar. Famous lyricist Sahir Ludhianvi was a Gujjar, top brass Congress leader and minister Rajesh Pilot was a Gujjar, Pakistan's ex-President Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry was Gujjar too, and so is Chaudhry Ameer Hussain, the Speaker of Pakistan's Parliament. Gujjars in Jammu & Kashmir and Hiamchal Pradesh are usually Muslim, nomadic shepherds, and they are listed there as 'Scheduled Tribe', though perhaps only from 1991. In present Uttaranchal, the Van (forest) Gujjars (Muslim and nomadic) had to battle with the state govt in 1992 over their right over the foothill forest near Dehradun which the govt acquired to turn into a 'National Park', a battle in which those Van Gujjars ultimately got hold of the forest with a 'community based forest management system'. Gujjars in Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh are mostly peasants or else farmers, many of them are 'proud' of their Kshatriya lineage, and there they are, for the last 13-14 years, listed as 'Other Backward Castes' i.e. OBC.
The present episode starts from: Gujjar community organisations in Rajasthan demanding 'Scheduled Tribe' status since some years. It may sound strange, a community demanding 'demotion' as per the Hindu Caste Ladder! But it is a fact, the 'reason' for which we shall see a bit later. What stimulated their demand was an election-promise of the presently ruling party BJP on this issue during the last assembly election of Rajasthan. It is usual for Indian parliamentary parties, all from left to right, to forget and forgo such promises; and unluckily for Gujjars, they are always treated as a solid vote-bank. In September 2006 there were organised protests of the Gujjars on this issue. The BJP run state govt cunningly averted any worse turn of the situation and was able to buy time. A cabinet sub committee was formed to look into the matter, which failed to come out with any solution. This time the Gujjars announced their protest programme well in advance, but the govt paid no heed to that. The protest started with road blockades on important highways and the govt answer was police action, including firing. This triggered more protests, and this time Gujjars in neighbouring states of MP, Haryana and National Capital Territory joined the battle. Rajasthan, and even Delhi was virtually cut off for quite some time. The govt deployed Military and enforced more repressive measures, including out and out undemocratic NSA, shoot-at-sight order etc. After days of bloodshed, bandh, clashes with police, the govt succeeded in halting the protest after talks with community leaders. The result so far: A committee was formed and it is expected to draw up a solution within next three months.
But, from 1st June we saw a shocking episode: Gujjar vs Meena clashes! The Meena community at first urged the govt to stop the Gujjar movement. Meenas demanded that Gujjars should not be listed as 'Scheduled Tribe', a listing that the Meenas have since the time of Indian 'independence'. The Meenas, as reported by the media, had warned that if the govt and security forces didn't remove the Gujjars from the highways, they themselves would. And they actually started that after a row at one place. The ruling BJP was in a fix! Its Gujjar Ministers and MLAs demanding ST status, while its Meena Ministers, numbering far more than Gujjar Ministers, and Meena MLAs opposing that! The Meenas were stern; according to a NDTV news story by Rajan Mahan on June 3, B L Meena, President, Rashtriya Meena Mahasabha said ?The Gujjars don't deserve tribal status and if they want to get it by force, then we also know how to take the law into our own hands?. Mutual mistrust between the two communities rose to an all time high and bourgeois media can of course claim to be the cunning agitator behind that. For example, a story in The Telegraph of June 2 was titled: Eyeball to eyeball, down the ages, and contained such historical anecdote like: ?The Gujjars, who came from central Asia, are believed to have assisted the Rajputs in defeating the Meena kings and establishing the state of Rajputana,? says Joginder Singh, a professor in the history department of Rajasthan University. But that happened before thousand years, what is the point of mentioning that history at this point if that is not for trying to incite a 'mutual enmity ? down the ages ? for thousand years' sort offeeling! And the story ended with these lines: Adding another spin to the conspiracy theory, Rajasthan police sources today confirmed an allegation the Gujjars had been making - that one of the three policemen shot dead in the police firing was from their community. ?Our internal investigations into the firing are still not complete, but it is true that one of the three constables who died was a Gujjar,? a senior officer said. The Gujjars claim that the Additional Superintendent of Police, a Meena, who allegedly ordered the firing, turned his gun on the Gujjar constable after the latter refused to fire on the mob. The sources said the investigations thus far haven't ruled out the possibility of the allegations being true. Leaders of the Meena community, however, argue that the Gujjars, by blocking roads and threatening violence, are trying to ?intimidate them?. ?And if the Gujjars think they can recreate history, they are mistaken,? warns Avtar Singh Meena, a prominent Meena leader in Rajasthan.
Anyway, some commentators of bourgeois newspapers believe that this Meena backlash actually was the reason behind the sudden ending of the Gujjar unrest! The media-men really know ways to foment mutual distrust and enmity among different sections of people. What else can one say about their writing, as for example, ??the Meenas largely confined to three districts, have hundreds of IAS and IPS officers?, or ??the Meenas dominate the state police and administration?? etc, whereas ?With a literacy rate of less than 20 per cent, the Gujjars have no IPS officer and just one IAS from their community and barely a dozen gazetted officials in state service?! It is true that the Meenas are a very closely-knit community mainly living in densely Meena inhabited zones. The Mennas outnumber Gujjars in Rajasthan. Though, Meenas, believed by themselves to be belonging to Hindu Kshatriya caste (and their kinsfolk, the Meo people, Muslims, however believe themselves to be followers of Islam and descendant of the similar mythical Hindu origin at the same time, and practices many Meena like non-Islamic customs, share almost the same gotras as the Meenas, etc) totally number less than Gujjars taking India and Pakistan together. (In the Indian Empire Census of 1881, the 'Mina's, as a 'caste', numbered about half a million. Probably, the Bhil Meenas were counted separately, and there was no mention of Meo people there.) But how a community having only a share of 7.5% of job quota that is reserved constitutionally for Scheduled Tribes can 'dominate' state police and administration!! It is downright falsification! No one bothered to probe it critically.
Now let us see why a community demanded 'demotion' as per the Hindu Caste Ladder, from Kshatriya OBC to a Scheduled Tribe status. ?Gujjars were granted OBC status in 1993 but the community started jostling for tribal status when former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee granted OBC status to the powerful Jat community in 1999. All of a sudden, Gujjar leaders realised that they would now have a smaller share of the reservation pie and shifted their focus to the Scheduled Tribe category?? - this is how the already mentioned NDTV news-story by Rajan Mahan explains things. It further enlightens the readers that: ?But the Meenas aren't opposing Gujjar demands only because that will weaken their hold on jobs. They also fear that Gujjar inclusion in the ST list will rob them of their political benefits. Both communities have a large presence in east Rajasthan where many Assembly and Panchayat seats are reserved for STs and if they get tribal status the Gujjars will also get a claim on those seats and this is not acceptable to Meena politicians.? (Italics ours) So, thanks Rajan, at last we get the masterminds behind this conflict, Gujjar leaders and Meena politicians ? and not the ordinary 'Gujjars' and 'Meenas'; likewise, there were the ruling parties like Congress and in this particular case especially the BJP who promised sops of 'reservations' to Gujjars (and many others, like the mentioned Jat community) in the form of OBC quota and then ST quota and projected that as a panacea for illiteracy, lack of education, joblessness, poverty and etc.
All the parliamentary parties are shareholders of the conspiracy, conspiracy to placate the oppressed peoples of different castes and tribes in the lower and lowest rung of the social ladder of the Hindu society, by offering just few breadcrumbs, and some tiny 'share' of the 'power' plus some 'benefits' obviously to a very thin layer of these communities ? all in the name of 'reservation'. Any conscious Gujjar or Meena can examine the state of affairs of her/his community and arrive at the same conclusion. Whereas Gujjar or Meena leaders and/or politicians of parliamentary parties, Gujjar or Meena wealthy or well-established persons, etc and parliamentary parties like Congress, CPIM, BJP etc will never let the common people of those communities take this lesson. They will always try to hoodwink the people; to them the people are 'vote bank' and 'obedient followers'. In the name of 'empowering' the oppressed, backward people, by the quota of Panchayat-Assembly-Parliament seats the only thing that was wonderfully achieved was ? the decentralisation of corruption, nepotism and other vices of class-society! It is high time that Gujjar and Meena brothers and sisters realize that those leaders, politicians, those who claim to protect the interest of the community, are actually protecting or trying to augment the interest of themselves.
And are the Gujjars and Meenas homogeneous communities? Are the OBC actually economically more backward than the ST people? Let us see what data for rural Rajasthan say about it. We shall use the NSS Report no 516, Statement 3.7.1 (NSS 61st Round, 2004-05), and present data for landownership of different social groupings in rural Rajasthan.
TABLE ? 1, Land Ownership per 1000 Households of Each of Different Social Categories, Rajasthan
LAND Possessed per 1000 Households of the following: | ALess than 0.40 Ha | BBetween 0.40 and 1.00 Ha | A+B | C Between 1.01 and 2.00 Ha | DMore than 2 Ha |
SC | 509 | 216 | 725 | 117 | 158 |
ST | 279 | 419 | 698 | 165 | 137 |
OBC | 261 | 169 | 430 | 199 | 371 |
OTHERS | 315 | 172 | 487 | 181 | 332 |
In the above Table we see that 1 about 70% of the ST households have land of 1Hectare or less, and the corresponding figure for the SC households is 72.5%. But for OBC households it is 43%! So, majority, i.e. 57%, of the OBC households have more than a Hectare of land, while overwhelming majority, i.e. 70% or more of SC-ST households have less than a Hectare of land. 1 An average [statistically speaking, the 'Median'] SC household has less than 0.40 Ha of land; an average ST household has between 0.40 and 1.00 Ha of land, and an average OBC household has between 1.00 and 2.00 Ha of land. 1 Only less than 14% or one-seventh of the ST households and less than 16% or one-sixth of the ST household have more than 2 Hectares of land, whereas, more than 37%, i.e. nearly two-fifth of the OBC households have more than 2 Hectares of land!! 1 Dalits are the worst sufferer of landlessness; majority of the Dalits, about 51% of them, have land less than 0.40 Ha ? it is not easy for them to live even as 'subsistence level peasants' even in double-crop land of this size, they must 'sell themselves out' to live!! So is the likely 'fate' of about 28% of the ST households, and also 26% of the OBC households! 1 It is indeed impossible to rescue from NSS data the difference of conditions of Meena and non-Meena ST rural households or difference of conditions among Zamindar, Chowkidar and Bhil Meenas; and the same is to be said about difference of conditions of Gujjar and non-Gujjar OBC rural households. 1 But anyway, we see from these data that economic conditions of all OBC people including Gujjars, and all ST people including Meenas too, are not at all uniform, there is class-difference among Gujjars, as well as among Meenas. There are well off Gujjar farmers and Gujjar poor peasants or labourers, there are well off Meena farmers and Meena poor peasants, etc. Can their 'interests' be same?
If we look into the above figures of the Dalit, i.e. SC people in Rajasthan ? the worthlessness of the 'reservation' solution becomes apparent. If we look into other aspects of the SC people in Rajasthan ? the hollowness of the 'reservation' solution will become more apparent; but for the sake of avoiding loads of 'statistic' we refrain from doing that exercise here. But for a while, just imagine a point: The SC people, automatically, has the constitutional provision of 15% of govt jobs, which is obviously more than the 7.5% quota allotted for all the ST people including the Meenas. SC population in Rajasthan is far greater than the Meena population. But, can any bourgeois press or channel say that 'the SCs dominate state police and administration' in Rajasthan? No. Has the SC quota served for improvement of quality of life of ordinary SC people? Certainly not. So why make a fuss over Meenas enjoying ST quota and, allegedly, dominating State police and administration? Why create illusions about ST quota among ordinary Gujjar youth? Why create a passion of 'protecting precious quota' among ordinary Meena youth? Why use Gujjar and Meena youth as cannon fodders for the benefit of the tiny vested interest groups among both Gujjars and Meenas?
And where are the govt jobs, anyway? Govt jobs are limited, always so; and in this era of New Economic Policy, era of Liberalisation-Privatisation-Globalisation, govt jobs are vanishing, shrinking rapidly. Even if the govt enacts that Gujjars and Meenas alike will get govt jobs proportionally with their population, how many jobs will be there for Gujjar and Meena youths? Definitely not more than a few hundred a year ? isn't it? How that will satisfy unemployed and needy tens and hundreds of thousands of Gujjar and Meena youths? By the way, what percentage of Gujjars and Meenas have that much fat purses that is needed to pursue 'coaching classes' for Civil Service Group A or B exams?
Moreover, both Gujjars and Meenas have seen the class-difference within their community in their recent history and at present time too. Did not we have Zamindaar Meenas, Chowkidaar Meenas and Bhil Meenas? Please tell us ? among the socially-economically-politically highly placed Meenas, how many come from Zamindaar Meena background, how many from Chowkidaar Meena background and how many from Bhil Meena background? Among Gujjars too such differences exist. Foreign Gujjar-friendly scholars studying Gujjar society in Pakistan couldn't overlook distinctly different Gujjar Biradari-s (fraternities) almost along lines of economic class/strata difference. There, the Gujjars, cutting across class-lines can and do come together in Gujjar Community associations like Gujjar Youth Forum; but a Bhaloti Malik Gujjar does never arrange marriage of his daughter/son, make ristadari, with a Gujjar family of lower status! And after becoming Muslim before some thousand years or so, after staying in Pakistan for more than half a century ? a Pakistani Meo still remembers and proudly proclaims their 'superior caste' heritage: ?Meos are Muslims, but we are descendants of Krishna. We are Yaduvanshi Rajputs?! (See Yoginder Sikand's article of 11 October 2006 in countercurrents.org) The same is the case of many Gujjar people. The Gujjar community site gurjarsonline.com proudly tell viewers ?As per the Varna (Caste) system, the Gurjar/Gujar/Gujjar are traditionally belonged to the Kshatriya Caste or the warrior class?. So much they have assimilated and internalised the Manuvadi Hindu caste system!! Is not it high time, dear Gujjar, Meena/Meo sisters and brothers, to throw off the influence of the oppressive undemocratic Manuvadi Hindu Caste System? Has not the same Manuvadi Hindu Caste System de facto demoted the Gujjars, and also the Meenas, in the preceding 10-12 centuries? Have not many Hindu Upper Caste people time and again insulted the Gujjars by calling them thieves and what not!! And have not this 'internalisation', permeation of Manuvadi Hindu pseudo upper Caste Ethos impaired the potential unity of toiling and poor Gujjars (toiling and poor Meenas too) with the Dalits, who are mainly workers and semi-proletarian or at best working peasants, and other poor working people? This 'internalisation', invasion of Manuvadi Hindu pseudo upper Caste Ethos has done a lot of harm, caused deep rupture?. Let us recall two stories from the media of not so long ago:
1 ASIAN HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION ? URGENT APPEALS PROGRAM 16 August 2001
REPORT OF THE FACT-FINDING TEAM WHO VISITED VILLAGE BHADKIA (RAJASTHAN) ON 29-6-2001 WHERE ONE DALIT WAS MURDERED WHEN HE ATTEMPTED TEMPLE ENTRY
Probe Team for National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights:
P.L MIMROTH, Advocate (New Delhi)
N.D. SINDHI, Trade Unionist (New Delhi)
ASHA RAM GAUTAM, Human Rights Activist (New Delhi)
SR GEETA CAROL, Advocate, SASVIKA (Ajmer, Rajasthan)
Bhadkia village, Bhilwara district, Rajasthan ?On 2nd June 2001, a 65 years old Scheduled Caste farm labourer Shri Ghasi Ram Regar dared to pay obeisance at the Dhooni of village goddess Mata Devra built by upper caste Rajputs & Gujjars in the village. Suffering from typhoid for the past two-three weeks after his recovery from illness, the poor drained Ghasi Regar had walked across to the village goddess Dhooni Mata Devra and bent his head in prayer. At that point of time Smt Radha wife of NANA the elder son of the deceased Ghasi Ram was eyewitness as she accompanied Ghasi. She stated that while Ghasi Regar was bending head in pray, then one 40 years old Narain Gujjar [the 'Gujjar' caste is an upper caste group in this region] who owned 60 Bighas of land, a tractor and two houses in the village shouted on Ghasi from his house opposite the temple premises objecting to the effect that Ghasi Regar being a Dalit should not pray there. ?After shouting, Narain Gujjar rushed towards Ghasi Regar and started beating him mercilessly with iron rod and that too in the presence of many upper caste people including one Shambhoo Singh Rajput age 75 years. Ghasi cried for help but no body came forward to save him from the beatings of Narain Gujjar. Ultimately Ghasi Regar was seriously injured and brought to the hospital by his sons only who later on died in Kotdi Hospital on the same day. ?Narain Gujjar was, later on arrested by the police (Kotdi station) and FIR was lodged against him under section 323, 307 of IPC and Sec 3(i) (x) of the S/C & S/T (Prevention of Atrocities) Act 1989. It is a matter of great surprise that a Dalit has been murdered but not a single official from Civil administration has visited Ghasi Regar's family till the Probe-Team arrived in the village, the question of granting legally entitled compensation under the S/C & S/T (Prevention of Atrocities) Rules 1995 does not arise. ?Most of the upper caste people in the village remained silent, or denied the existence discrimination of Dalits. However, one teacher of the upper caste in the village candidly admitted and stated that Dalits are being discriminated by the upper caste in this village, and a Panchayat (Local Council) official confirmed the growing incidents of atrocities on Dalits in the area. ? The poor Dalit residents of the village especially women folk had complained to the Probe-Team that Narain Gujjar conveying threatening messages from the jail that as soon as he is freed he would kill many more Dalits especially the other family members of the Ghasi Regar. ? Narain Gujjar (FIR No 106/2001) is now under judicial custody, but as of the end of June, the case had not been submitted in the court of law, the informer had not been given a copy of the FIR, and no action had been taken by the police for providing compensation to the family of the victim. ?Also, the accused murderer seems set to be released on bail. ?it is told by some villagers that some upper caste people instigated Narain Gujjar to teach a lesson to deceased Ghasi Regar who dared to pollute the village goddess premises. ?
1 Community condones 'honour killing' of Rajasthan teenager
On September 22, members of the Gujjar community in Rajasthan's Dausa district called a 'maha panchayat' (special meeting of caste elders) to protest the arrest of the killers of a young Gujjar girl who had been murdered, allegedly, to protect her family's 'honour'.
Fifteen-year-old Neelam's father, uncle and grandfather are alleged to have murdered the teenager to avenge the slight to their honour by the girl's elopement with a dalit (lower caste) boy.
The Gujjars belong to the category 'other backward castes' (OBC), which is higher in the country's caste hierarchy than the Bairwa caste to which her dalit husband belonged.
Although members of Neelam's family reportedly confessed, during police interrogation, that it had been an 'honour killing', the community panchayat says they will launch an agitation against the arrests. Indeed, in the teenager's village of Shahadpur there is widespread condemnation of the arrests and anger against women's right groups that have protested against the girl's killing.
?This panchayat has been called because the FIR (first information report) was filed under pressure. Without concrete proof two innocent people have been arrested and women's organisations are behind it,? says Gajendra Singh Khatana, convenor of the Gujjar panchayat.
Meanwhile, women's organisations in the state blame the government for allowing the crime to be politicised along caste lines. And, while no political party has taken an official stand on the issue, many prominent politicians, including members of the state legislature, are known to have attended the caste panchayat meeting.
?
Meanwhile, the case has heightened caste tensions in Shahadpur, with dalits fearing reprisals from the Gujjars fleeing their homes despite the strong police presence in the village. ?When those two ran away there was a great sense of fear among us. Now that the girl is dead we are even more afraid,? says Gulab Bairwa.
Source: NDTV, October 3,
The Hindu, September 28, 2004
So? Blaming BJP for this recent imbroglio is OK, but only this is insufficient. We are to consider these facts too: # Reservation as OBC, or even as ST, is not and cannot be a panacea for unemployed, poor, toiling Gujjar youth; ST quota is neither a precious thing to fight for shedding own blood. # Reservation as ST is not such a precious thing so as to be guarded with all power by the Meena youth; ST quota could not serve for the ascension, 'upward mobility', of the numerous poor, toiling, ordinary Meena youth. # The emptiness of the quota system is best portrayed in the case of Dalits; reservation roughly in proportion to Dalit population (All India percentage) is in vogue for sixty years, but it delivered only miserably; it couldn't end poverty, discrimination, insult, repression, etc. # And what is more, the quota-battle between Gujjars and Meenas has provided the upper-class-upper-caste gentry with yet another chance to mock at all the lower caste people, to contemptuously mock at the very concept of Affirmative Action ? this must be noted and fought against. Lastly, # the 'internalisation' of the vulgar caste system must be fought; Manuvadi Hindu pseudo upper Caste Ethos must be thrown off ? then it will be possible to build up a solid block of all 'have-nots'. And that is necessary to change this unjust society; that is necessary for a thorough revolutionary change to truly democratise India, to solve the agrarian problem and agricultural crisis, to put an end to this ugly caste system? and to march forward towards a really egalitarian society.
But is it possible for ordinary toiling Gujjars and Meenas to achieve unity for the abovementioned aims? Yes, it is. And it is also proved by history. The learned journalists wrote only that part of history that can instigate mutual mistrust and enmity; they didn't bother to tell us few other lines of history that can instil confidence among ordinary toiling Gujjars and Meenas about united struggle. Here are only two scenes of that untold history:
? After the British established their domination on India and India was made a part of their Empire, the British govt declared the Gujjars, Meenas & Meo people, the Muslim Rajput people etc as ?Criminal Tribes?. Why? It is because these people, not just few chieftains or kings belonging to these groups of people, but the people at large, joined the 'mutinous' i.e. rebel 'Sepoys' in 1857, India's First War Of Independence. Who were these people in socio-economic terms? They were ordinary toiling villagers, peasants. In them, intrinsically, there was the potential, the potential of turning, transforming this 'National' uprising into a Democratic revolution, which could not turn into reality. In the neighbouring zones almost encircling Delhi, these people, separately at different places but in a unified way in each place, revolted against the British rule. The upper caste Babu lackeys of the British took it for granted to call these people as naturally criminal because these people dared to revolt against the Sahibs! In this year of commemorating 150th year of that First War Of Independence, can the Gujjars and Meenas forget that proud history of their forefathers?
? We see the peasant Gujjars, Meenas-Meos, Jats ? all combined again in a single organisation fighting against 30% rise of revenue rate in 1932 in the princely states of Alwar and Bharatpur. Their leader was a Meo, Yasin Khan. Due to Meo leadership and the presence of nearly one hundred thousand (100,000) Meo peasants, the ruling elite castigated the movement as fundamentalist, inspired by Mollahs! The Kishan Sabha in the Mewat region incorporated and united Gujjars, Meenas-Meos, Jats, Ahirs, and etc peasants. During 1940s also there was peasant movement, one important leader of them was Kunvar Mohammad Ashraf, a Muslim Rajput. ? ?
We are no history scholars, and Gujjar and Meena youth and toiling people of these communities can well find out their 'other' history, 'other' than what is generally taught in the classrooms, and 'other' than what is preserved in public memory by 'tradition' ? a tradition fostered by Manuvadi Hindu Ethos. But here, we together can conjecture and consciously shape the future direction of history itself, a direction on which that history is telling us to move on. The task is to change this unjust society, to prepare us for a thorough revolutionary change to truly democratise India, to solve the agrarian problem in a revolutionary democratic way, to put an end to this ugly caste system? and to march forward towards a really egalitarian society. Gujjar and Meena toiling people, join hand with the revolutionary working class!
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