On The Anti-BJP Election Front
On The Anti-BJP Election Front
The parliamentary election of 2019 is approaching. With it, the effort of the bourgeois opposition parties to form an anti-BJP electoral front is also gaining momentum. The results of recent assembly elections have understandably further encouraged the opposition parties to work on such electoral fronts with renewed vigour. Whether and how this question of opposition unity will be resolved is to be seen, because all parties like to corner major share of seats for itself and that creates a major hurdle for unity. Some sort of tug-of-war on the question of Prime Minister of future government is also hampering this process of electoral unity. Like the mythological character of Kalnemi who thought about the division of mythological Lanka before completing his task, the leaders of different opposition parties are bickering with the post of Prime Minister. However, we all can understand the reasons behind the eagerness of the bourgeois and petty-bourgeois parties to build up an anti-BJP front. None of them are in a position to defeat BJP on their sole strength and thereby grab governmental power.
However, this time it seems that a section of communist revolutionaries and intelligentsia are also toying up with the idea of forming or supporting alliances with some opposition parties to defeat BJP in the coming election. Probably they are thinking that to resist the fascist aggression of Sangh Parivar, BJP must be ousted from the Centre by any means. Whether such electoral fronts of bourgeois opposition parties will help to achieve that aim and whether such policies of electoral alliances with bourgeois parties will be helpful for development of class struggle of the working class for emancipation from exploitation and oppression, is a question we should ponder over.
There is no doubt that during the last four and half years, the fascist aggression of Sangh Parivar has increased ominously. We are all aware of the facts and reiteration of the same will be meaningless. We, as a conscious representative of the advance, class conscious section of the proletariat, definitely and strongly feel that this fascist preparation must be stopped. It has to be resisted in the interest of the democracy of this country, however limited that may be. Furthermore, it has to be resisted in the interest of the struggle for complete emancipation from exploitation and oppression. We also definitely do not disregard the fact that the Sangh Parivar has successfully used the governmental machinery to enhance their fascist preparation. But, what is the real character of these opposition parties? Aren't these opposition parties also anti-people and pro-big bourgeoisie? It is true that these parties are not fascist like the Sangh Parivar, but aren't these parties totally undemocratic and have past records of attacks on the struggles of toiling masses? And though they are not Hindu communal forces like RSS-BJP, do not they all use religious identities and retrogressive, reactionary values originating from them? The main question is: is it possible to resist the fascist aggression only by ousting BJP from Central and State Governments by parliamentary struggle, which also means replacing BJP by these bourgeois and petty bourgeois opposition parties?
What is the real source of strength of the Sangh Parivar and BJP? Undoubtedly it is mainly the support of a large section of people of Hindu community who have been influenced by the Sangh Parivar's politics of Hindutva. The Sangh Parivar is an old organization with extreme Hindu communal ideology with fascist orientation. Their influence started to increase during the later part of eighties of the last century. If we look back to that period, we will be able to see that that was the period when struggles and organizations of the working class and toiling people gradually started to disintegrate after the defeat of mass upsurge of the late sixties and early seventies which arose with great revolutionary potential.
At the end of the eighties with the fall of Soviet Russia and the East European countries, the defeat of the first offensive of the international socialist movement became glaringly evident. In the eighties, the imperialist forces under the leadership of US imperialism started the attacks of neo-liberalism. The policies of eighties transformed in nineties into full fledged attack of liberalization, privatization and globalization. The working class and toiling masses were not able to resist the severe attack due their disintegrated condition in which they fell due to the betrayal of the reformist-revisionist parties. This defeat of international socialist movement created frustration, despondency and also created a vacuum in the ideological sphere. At the same time, the problems of livelihood started to increase enormously due to the severe attacks of the imperialist capital and Indian big capital dependent on them. From their experience of various governments, be it at the centre or at the states, the workers and toiling people realized that all parties including the so-called left parties (who had led them in their struggles in the past) are all actively pursuing the policies of globalization and liberalization in the interest of big bourgeoisie. This situation enhanced the vacuum already created by the defeat of international socialist movement and pushed the workers and toiling masses further into frustration and despondency.
When, after the defeat of mass upsurge of the end sixties and early seventies, the class struggle of working class and of the toiling masses took a retreat, fissures along communal, caste and nationalist lines started to come out among the people. The big bourgeois parties, especially the Congress party used these divisions among the masses for their narrow interest to win over the masses to their side and win elections. The RSS and BJP took this opportunity to further divide the masses along communal line and organize the people from Hindu community on its agenda of extreme Hindutva. Due to this situation, a significant section of toiling people, especially the backward section of them, gravitated towards rightist politics. It happened not only in India but in almost all countries across the globe. This support from the backward section of masses is the real strength of the Sangh Parivar.
Along with the internal conditions, some change in international situation also helped the Sangh Parivar in pursuing its communal divisive and fascist agenda. In accordance with their policies of globalization the imperialist forces tried to grab oil reserves of the Middle East and started a devastating war against the people of Arab countries. This in its turn had generated a violent reaction in the form of Islamic terrorism. This phenomenon also has contributed in the communal division of Indian society and helped the Sangh Parivar a lot.
In essence, it can be said that the real strength of the Sangh Parivar and BJP comes from the backward section of toiling masses, which have gravitated towards them, generally speaking, in search of relief from their problems of livelihood in absence of class struggle. This has manifested in two phenomena : one, increased communal polarization of society which is reflected as increased communalization among people of Hindu community and two, people are gravitating towards BJP as an alternative after being disenchanted with the previously established parties like Congress and even the left parties. Obviously, it became possible due to the absence of class struggle with a conscious direction towards complete emancipation of the working class and toiling masses, in other words towards socialism and communism.
Though, in absence of class struggle, communal feelings have crept in also among the workers and poor, toiling people, but, from their experiences of life's struggle, they can also feel that the poor people of other communities cannot be their enemy. So, due to increased polarization of society, aggressive role of Sangh parivar and increased communal attacks by them, there is also a tendency of antipathy towards BJP and Sangh Parivar among the poor, toiling people and also among a section petty-bourgeoisie, especially among intelligentsia. The role of BJP in state governments and especially at Centre has also exposed their anti-people, pro big bourgeoisie role and that has also damaged their claim of being an alternative to an extent. So, though due to the absence of class struggle a section of poor, toiling people have gravitated towards BJP and Sangh Parivar, their own life's experience is also teaching them the futility of communal, fascist politics of BJP and Sangh Parivar. The communist revolutionaries worth their name should concentrate their efforts to organize the advanced, fighting sections of working class and rural poor on the basis of independent class politics of the working class. This will help to develop the class struggle and class organizations of the working class and rural poor. Their united struggle only can resist the advancement of fascist Sangh Parivar. The development of class struggle can win over the backward sections of poor, toiling people from the clutches of communal-fascist forces, and pave the unity of the working class and toiling people irrespective of religion. In its turn, this class unity will also help to develop the class struggle which will resist the attacks of big bourgeoisie on the livelihoods of on the working class and toiling masses and will also help to resist the communal-fascist forces of Sangh Parivar. And ultimately, the development of class struggle will also pave the way towards the complete emancipation of the working class and toiling people from the exploitation and oppression of the exploiters.
Our friends are telling that the fascist forces must be resisted. No doubt about that. They are also telling that to resist the fascist preparation of the Sangh Parivar, BJP must be ousted from power. Will it be possible to resist the advancement of fascist Sangh Parivar? However, our experience of past three decades or so does not corroborate this. BJP in alliance with other bourgeois-petty bourgeois parliamentary parties had come into power several times and had been defeated and ousted from power also. But, on all occasions it was able to return to power with added strength. And Secondly, even when they were not in power, their fascist aggression did not stop. Why they were able to return to power? Mainly, they returned to power due to the anti-people policies of the governments, formed by other parties, which aggressively pursued the policies of liberalization and globalization. Just like the BJP led governments, the policies implemented by the governments led by non-BJP parties increased the exploitation and oppression on the people by foreign and Indian big bourgeoisie, and intensified the persistent problems like poverty, unemployment, disparity etc. All these parties are also undemocratic and many of them also use divisions among the people along communal lines. Most glaring example of this has been shown by new leader of Congress party, Mr. Rahul Gandhi, in the recently concluded assembly elections. In the assembly elections, we have seen how Rahul Gandhi tried to appease the people of Hindu community by showing his Hindu religious identity. It was not Rahul Gandhi's individual act. In the election manifestos of Congress in MP and Rajasthan, there were such electoral promises like building gaushalas or cowsheds in every panchayat, building mythical Ram Path in Madhya Pradesh, commercial production of gomutra (cow urine) and Kanda (Cow dung cakes) etc. The Congress manifesto committee chairman of MP had clearly stated, "We are a secular party. But it's true that you can't win elections without taking care of the majority community. We do respect Muslims." Others may not be treading the path of soft Hindutva like Congress but all bourgeois and petty-bourgeois parties more or less use the religious identities to win elections. Most importantly, the Sangh Parivar and BJP continued their fascist aggression, whether they were in power or not. We have explained in details that though the governmental power helps BJP in its fascist aggression, its main strength is coming from the communalization of the society, especially communalization of the majority Hindu community, which they continue irrespective of being in power or not. And they are helped by disenchantment of the people towards the corrupt, anti-people big bourgeois and petty bourgeois parties who are now in opposition. This is the reason due to which the Sangh Parivar is continuing its fascist advancement whether BJP is in power or not. Having governmental machinery in the hands of BJP definitely helps the Sangh Parivar in their preparation, but it is not the most important source of their strength.
We have seen that any bourgeois- petty bourgeois party or coalitions who have ascended to throne of government in the last three decades or so, have pursued the same policies of liberalization-globalisation in the interest of the big bourgeois ruling classes and their imperialist mentors. If this is one side of their role, another side is they are also severely curtailing the rights of organization and struggle so that the working class and toiling masses cannot build up struggle against these policies. It cannot be otherwise because in a bourgeois state, every government must work in the interest of the ruling classes. The lesson to be learnt: the struggle against neo-liberal policies and struggle against attacks on democracy cannot be separated.
So, by replacing the BJP government with a coalition of bourgeois-petty bourgeois parties, whatever be its composition the onslaught of fascist Sangh Parivar cannot be ultimately thwarted. We must understand that the fascist forces are not created from within the parliamentary structure but from without, and whose ultimate aim is to crush the parliamentary structure itself. So, the fascist forces cannot be defeated by parliamentary struggle. The Sangh Parivar only can be resisted by the development of class struggle, only by the resistance of working class and other toiling masses.
One may say: 'yes, you are absolutely right. The Sangh Parivar can only be resisted thorough the class struggle of workers-peasants. But, that struggle is not developing at the moment. In this situation, if the BJP government can be ousted, would not that help the class struggle? Would not that help democratic struggles?' Irrefutable arguments, isn't it? We may answer: 'Yes comrade, you are right. We may get a slight advantage to organize. Why the advantage is slight? Because, we have told before, and it has been supported by our experiences, that these parties are no paragon of democracy. In the interest of the ruling classes, they have attacked and bound to attack and crush the struggles and struggling organizations of the workers and other toiling people. However, it is true that they are not fascist or as communal as the Sangh Parivar. So, there may be a slight advantage. But, to gain that slight advantage we must pay a cost. What is that cost? By, allying with the bourgeois parties, we shall effectively increase the dependence of workers and toiling people on those parties, which is already there, and it is needless to explain that the working class and toiling mass must be dissociated from these parties, their dependence on these parties must be crushed in order to organize them on the basis of class politics. So, it will ultimately hamper the process of organizing the working class and toiling masses on the basis of politics of class struggle and ruin the aforementioned slight advantage you gain by ousting BJP from power.
Last but not the least, are the communist revolutionaries in any position to modify or influence the results of elections? We all know that the strength of the communist revolutionaries is such that they can poll only a few thousands of votes in the maximum in any constituency they contest, which in no way can influence the result. So, alliance of communist revolutionaries with the bourgeois parties will not influence the outcome of election. The result of election depends only on the bourgeois petty bourgeois parties and their alliances. In such situation, what purpose they are trying to achieve, where they themselves cannot in any way can influence the outcome?
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