RSS's Liberalism & Liberal Bourgeois
Last September the RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat spoke at a meeting in Delhi, in the presence of various established personalities of this society-industrialists, film and sports personalities, politicians, bureaucrats and others of different walks of life. From that to a section of liberal bourgeoisie, RSS appeared to be reforming from its staunch communal-nationalist hindu-rashtra-hindutva position. The three-day conclave was an RSS "outreach" programme addressed to a cross-section of society on the future of this country titled- , "Bhavishya Ka Bharat - An RSS Perspective", ("Future of Bharat -an RSS Perspective"). To a section of the liberal bourgeoisie of this country-as they saw it- RSS is changing because, "For one, on the minorities, it [RSS] has acknowledged that Muslims are as Indian as Hindus; they have a place in Indian society; and their exclusion cannot lead to a stronger nation. Two, its unequivocal support for reservations and inter-caste marriages, and acknowledgment that it needed to get more diverse, Three, Bhagwat - by acknowledging the role of other political actors, including the Congress and communists, And four, while it may be cautious and uncomfortable, there is a degree of social liberalism that seemed to have found its way within the Sangh, for instance its openness to accepting difference in the case of sexual minorities." Mr. Bhagwat is even said to have spoken of how Hinduism does not lay down food and dress codes, and with this these liberal sections seem to be quite influenced. [Has the Sangh really evolved? The RSS must now crack down on any violence carried out in the name of the organization, Editorials Updated: Sep 20, 2018 18:05 IS Hindustan Times]
The result-a surmise surfaced among the liberal bourgeois media that the RSS and Sangh Parivar are changing from their rigid position towards liberalism. The RSS, to them, have appeared to have become liberal, 'inclusive' and even showing signs of evolution with the modern times.
But within a span of about two months, after Bhagwat's expression of so-called inclusivity and recognition of diversity in society, virulent hindutva of RSS's various wings once again flared up. Its intimidating and aggressive role was once again replicated through the blatant assault of RSS affiliate Bajrang Dal-led mob that led to the killing of a police officer in Bulandshahr. With their hindutva fellow-travellers in the seat of state power, the Sangh organisations are not even hesitating to turn against officials of the state who stand in their path of rampage and dare to disagree with them. Quite understandably their Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, called the murder of the police official, as merely an accident. But the police officer was entrusted with investigation of the Akhlaq lynching case and had been stamped and threatened for quite some time as anti-hindu by the local BJP and Sangh organization leaders. The CM dismissed all the stark facts of this aggression on the ground and directed the police to pay more attention to prosecute the cow-slaughterers. What explanation can the liberal bourgeoisie give of their sudden found liberalism in the RSS? Of course they may point out to an answer of theirs that they mentioned while welcoming Bhagwat's liberalism, when they added saying 'All these are welcome changes. But what is important now is that this gets internalised on the ground. There has been violence in the name of causes dear to the Sangh activists who draw inspiration from the Sangh, and often through affiliates of the Sangh. Distancing itself from it - through sporadic condemnations - is not enough for the RSS.' [HT-Ibid]
If that be their point that the RSS leaders have taken the path of change but the cadres haven't 'internalised' it yet then why are the leaders, the CM of UP, trying to cover-up the reality in Bulandshahr? Further what can they say about the RSS-VHP-BJP Sangh organisations, threatening the government and the Supreme Court by mobilizing large sections of masses, for a law by their Sangh influenced government to build a Ram Mandir at Ayodhya? Do the liberal bourgeoisie want to say that this is also the act of the cadres at the ground-level who haven't yet been moderated? In 1992 the RSS and Sangh organisations openly violated the SC and governments to demolish the Babri Masjid even after giving assurances and now they have started pressurizing the government once again shifting from there earlier stand of waiting for the SC's final judgement on the issue. And this is not at all something suddenly growing up from cadres on the ground but is very much an agenda pushed from the top by the RSS leaders as Bhagwat himself confirmed. In that very Delhi conclave where Bhagwat displayed his 'liberalism', he said "... As a Sangh worker, head of the Sangh and as a part of Ram janambhoomi andolan, I want that a grand Ram temple should be constructed at the earliest at the birth place (Ayodhya) of Lord Ram," [Building Ram Temple at Earliest Will End Tension Between Hindus and Muslims, Says Mohan Bhagwat, News18.com Updated: September 20, 2018, 10:29 AM IST]. What will the sections of liberal bourgeois say about this? Even the RSS leaders are unwilling to wait anymore for the SC verdict. Mohan Bhagwat didn't mince words when he said, 'Ram Temple at Earliest Will End Tension Between Hindus and Muslims'. Who are building up the tension other than these leaders? Where is their liberalism and democracy? Will the liberal bourgeoisie, the upholders of democracy, dare to say in response to it that the culprits of the Babri demolition case need to be punished first of all, before anything can be decided about the disputed site? Or will they once again shy away from spelling out that bitter truth seeking a soft, accommodative line for the destructive Hindutva supremacists?
Looking further into it, it becomes clearer still that whatever be the actual reason for Bhagwat's liberalism, the more important aspect of this spurt of RSS's liberalism is not at all due to any change so deep that rejects its age-old legacy of hindu supremacy that is anti-muslim, anti-dalit and anti-lower castes as the liberal bourgeoisie makes us believe. If that would have been so, then RSS, devoid of its core ideology, would have become virtually defunct. Notice what the RSS mouthpiece Organiser, reassuring its members and sympathisers against any such possibility, writes on the Delhi conclave-'After Sarsanghachalak's three-day lecture series, there was a lot of discussion and muttering on whether RSS has sidelined Guruji's [Guruji Golwalkar's-FAPP] thoughts. However, a patient and in-depth reading of scenario nullifies the claims' [Has the RSS Sidelined Guruji Golwalkar's Bunch of Thoughts? Dr Manmohan Vaidya, Organiser, Date: 24-Oct-2018]. About the veracity of liberal bourgeoisie media's claim that Bhagwat and hence the RSS has accepted muslims as Indians is found merely to be a half-truth that fits into the liberal bourgeoisie scheme of half-baked democracy and freedom. What can be clearly found in Bhagwat's statement is "Hindu Rashtra doesn't mean there's no place for Muslims. If we don't accept Muslims, it's not Hindutva. Hindutva is Indianness and inclusivity," ['Mainstreaming' RSS: Is Mohan Bhagwat trying to placate his critics - or confuse them? Sep 19, 2018 · 06:30 am Anita Katyal]. The echo of this statement of Bhagwat 'Hindutva is Indianness and inclusivity' can be found even where Golwalkar wrote: "The Hindu in Bharat can never be termed "communal"?The national life-values of Bharat are indeed derived from the life of Hindus. As such he is the "national" here, and never "communal". ("Bunch of Thoughts", p 344). Hence from statements of both of them we get, 'hindutva', 'Indianness' 'national life-values of Bharat' are synonymous. Hindu supremacy, its hindutva is "national", it cannot be questioned as communal although it is the virulent viewpoint of a religious community that denigrates others. Thus Bhagwat has also placed the RSS's original idea of hindu-rashtra and hindutva that will dominate as Indianness with muslims within their avowed nation. In that article on the conclave the RSS leader Dr Manmohan Vaidya clarified -'Though it is necessary to take the Muslims and Christians of Bharat along in the nation-building process, it is also important to be cautious about the extremists, Jihadi and divisive elements active in the name of so-called minorities. In this sense, Shri Guruji's cautions about the threats to the nation are relevant even today.' Thus muslims and other minorities are included in their rule of hindutva but 'extremists, Jihadi and divisive elements', indicating the muslims, are nowhere out of their scanner of distrust, enmity and target. Guru Golwalkar's teachings are very much part and parcel of even the present RSS's main syllabus. It is only the benevolence of these fascist masters, the self-proclaimed agents of all hindus, that the muslims and minorities will not be maimed -"Hindus don't live to oppose anybody. We even allow the pests to live. There are people who may oppose us. You have to tackle them without harming them." Bhagwat said just a few days before the Delhi conclave at the World Hindu Conference at the US. ["Bhagwat said. Hindus have no aspiration of dominance: Mohan Bhagwat" Source: www.timesofindia.indiatimes.com, 08/09/2018]. Thus it clearly implies that, within the upper caste hindu communal-fascist ruled hindu-rashtra, within the hindu way of life in sway in that Bharat, which they aim at, as interpreted and dictated by them, the muslims and other minorities, the lower castes, dalits, are included no doubt. But it is from this rostrum of hindutva and hindu-rashtra, in the journey towards their long-cherished goal of a fascist hindu state, having attained a position of big influence today, they are talking of inclusion of others. Of course including them as subordinates within the fold of hindutva. This is nothing new in their scheme of things. Thus the RSS's core ideology of hindu-rashtra, hindu supremacy is very much intact.
But why Bhagwat's sudden emphasis on 'inclusivity' at this juncture? The fascists obviously will attempt to portray and plan their mission in accordance with their world-outlook and for certain periods due to coincidence of certain factors they may carry on with their oppression and destruction successfully. But history does not develop unilaterally. It carries with it objectively its contradictions representing various conflicts of society of which the fascist forces are one part. The relentless oppression of secular, democratic masses is not the last word. The other side to it is, it stirs up the masses at some moment of time. Thus the naked assaults on the alibi of cow slaughter or smuggling, on diverse ways of eating, living, following rituals etc, on those differing with the nationalist frenzy that these forces preach and compel, are also exposing their hate-mongering, violent agenda before the masses. The underlying conflict of society is sharpening. Certain signs of that are becoming visible today. Sections from among the dalits, minorities, workers, peasants, and even intellectuals and students have started protesting the glaring attacks as being seen during the recent times. There is growing disgruntlement.
In view of this on one hand the Modi government and the Sangh has of late tried to distance themselves from over-enthusiastic elements assaulting minorities and even dalits. Last April violent, spontaneous protests of unorganized, dalit masses erupted against the Supreme Court directives that instructed dilution in implementing the Prevention of SC/ST Atrocities Act. Prior to it on January 1st the Bhima Koregaon violence of hindutva elements on dalits and other incidents earlier like Una also angered the dalit masses. In that month of April itself five BJP dalit MPs publicly expressed their dissension over the party alienating the dalits that voted for it in huge numbers in 2014. Even the RSS officially conveyed its concern that 'hindu samaj' is cracking and remedies must be sought fast. Then it was seen that in a meeting of RSS functionaries, in April 17 at Pune Dr Manmohan Vaidya, sah-sarakaryavah, said that a national executive meeting of this kind happens every 11 years and the most important issue to be discussed is "strengthening the foundation of Bharat and the threats caste-based politics is inflicting on the country".
Added to the dalits distancing themselves and turning against the BJP and RSS are the growing woes of the agrarian crisis leading to the disillusionment of the peasants, the tribals, that is haunting the ruling BJP government and the Sangh Parivar. Even when Prime Minister Narendra Modi hosted a dinner for the RSS brass at his official residence on June 14, the discussion revolved around the growing unrest among Dalits, farmers and tribals across the country and how the Opposition was painting an anti-Dalit image of the BJP.
Hence the RSS and BJP are trying to avert this increasing discontent. They have started programmes such as month-long Sampark for Samarthan programme, an outreach mission where senior leaders meet "influencers" from various walks of life. BJP chief Shah asked 4,000 party leaders across the country to reach out to 25 eminent people each in an effort to connect with 100,000 people by June 30. Union environment minister Harshvardhan met Delhi Archbishop Anil Couto, who had written a letter apprehending a "turbulent political atmosphere" that could lead to a subversion of the Constitution; and Assam chief minister Sarbananda Sonowal met Left intellectual Hiren Gohain, who had openly appealed to the people of Assam in 2016 not to vote for the BJP. Two more brainstorming sessions were held with eminent writers at Delhi's Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts to create a strong "right-wing intellectual ecosystem". Another such meeting was held at the Nehru Memorial Museum & Library (NMML), which was attended by some of the country's top artists and a few PMO officials.
Further they have planned to put out Ambedkar's 'true views' through printed literature and talks to remove what the Sangh perceives as the 'anti-Dalit image' its enemies have created. As proof of this, Kishore Makwana, a Gujarat-based Dalit scholar cites a book written by late RSS ideologue Dattopant Thengadi, Samajik Kranti ke Marg par Dr Ambedkar ka Padarpan. In May, BJP and RSS leaders met to prepare a blueprint to counter the Left-liberal narrative of various current political incidents by nurturing articulate writers who can put forward the Sangh's views clearly and also publicise the BJP government's work for Dalits and farmers.
On certain issues, RSS is stepping back. In some areas it is making compromises. In the Northeast, where beef-eating is common, RSS has not sought to impose any kind of beef ban. They have taken a similarly pragmatic line in West Bengal and Kerala. Then there is the RSS's 'inclusive programme to ensure 'one temple, one water source and one funeral place' in every village to end untouchability.
Thus the RSS and its brigade, with BJP in government, have reached a point where their multitude of organisations are working speedily throughout the country and even abroad among different sections of the masses. More so, at this very juncture with bigger networks and bigger opportunities offered by the hopelessness and frustration sweeping throughout the masses amidst oppression and exploitation. A ground fertile for the growth of fascist ideology. Which is also being repeatedly seen by blind mobilization of common masses during assaults and rampages instigated by the organisers of these forces. In spite of facing contradictions they have been able to polarize and win-over a large section of the masses in favour of their destructive plans. They have also been able to infiltrate various organs of the state as never before. Hence they are making it sure that they do not lose it. The RSS wants to ensure that this chance to lead smoothly as possible, in an organized manner towards their goal, with their overt and covert manoeuvres does not get jeopardized by any over-enthusiasm among its ranks that may spill the beans before the public. They want to gradually and cunningly take along the masses, the intellectuals of society confusing the opposition, the sections becoming aware of their designs and double-talk. Hence the exhibition of liberalism by Bhagwat before a selected, established personalities of society.
The liberal bourgeoisie is helping them in this game. They make us understand that some RSS leader like Bhagwat can change and transform the organization representing the extreme sectarian and fascist anti-people destructive forces by some so-called liberal declarations from the top. Instead of bringing to surface the hoodwinking by the RSS-Sangh forces' through liberal postures and the more and more communalization and building up of the fascist brigade in society and on the other hand the undemocratic role of the state, the liberal bourgeoisie are helping them further by confounding the alarming advancement of such forces.
Comments:
No Comments for View