Last LokSabha Election- Some Observations
The working class is now in a disarrayed condition. They don't have their own party. This condition has been continuing since decades. Hence like previous parliamentary battles, working class could not thrust their presence in the last Lok Sabha election also, thereby leaving the arena of electoral battle to the bourgeois parties in the main along with regional and caste based parties, obviously giving them wider and unhindered scope to dupe the backward masses, most unfortunately even the workers and win them over to their respective electoral support. In general, therefore, from this very election having no class candidate nothing of particular significance can be deduced so as to enable us to particularly understand the precise condition of workers in relation to revolutionary class struggle, not to speak of winning more and more fighting workers over to the plank of revolutionary programme by revolutionary class campaign. Obviously there was no question of sending any representative of working class to the parliament.
Today's communists, known as communist revolutionary, are dispersed in innumerable groups, almost isolated from workers. Not all, but most of them have been found to participate in the election with their own separate candidates, however each ending with miserable results. We can well understand that in the present state of near absence of class struggle and the absence of a centralised party, for this groups having no class base or in some cases, at best with small and scattered pocket of influence, there is naturally no other way other than ending with such miserable results. The average number of votes they received is reported to be in the range of one thousand or so to a maximum of ten thousands (may be one or two exception).
However, number of votes is not the big question. The question is whether these votes and support therein, whatever small in number, were for revolutionary programme at all or in the other way, votes were consequential reflection (expression) of the class struggle at the ground level. As we said, the groups are largely isolated from mass of workers, particularly the industrial proletariat. The struggle they can organise or are attached with are mainly that of local, partial, nature and some are trade union struggles that too of mostly the unorganised sectors. Most importantly, in the electoral battle they have not been found to come up with proletarian revolutionary campaign, rather the main focus of their election campaign was on the slogan 'Defeat fascism', Defeat BJP- needless to say 'defeat by vote'. This virtually took away the issue of proletarian independence from their central campaign and brought them to the same plank as that of opposition bourgeoisie parties whose central mission was also to defeat BJP in order to form an alternate government. Curious enough, almost all the groups did appeal to the people to vote for prospective candidates from any other party whatsoever, of course in the constituencies where they didn't have their own candidate. And hence the participation of CR groups in the election did not practically mark any difference from that of other bourgeoisie and reformist parties and therefore, nothing could be understood in relation to development of class struggle and organisation, in spite of their being in the electoral struggle.
Yet, BJP was not defeated. Fascism has not been defeated or even weakened. Rather BJP came to power through a massive victory in terms of number of elected members of parliament and it is even larger in comparison to what was there in 2014 victory. There is no denying that there had been expectation and same kind of assessment of opposition parties, including CR organisations, ostensibly relying on the results of three preceding state elections that 2014 would not perhaps repeat. At least BJP would be weakened. But defying all calculations, interpretation and inspite of subjective desire of many of us, BJP came out with a thumping victory. This victory cannot simply be attributed to disunity of the opposition parties. In fact, it has to be admitted at the first instance that there had been utter failure from all quarters in objective appraisal of the mood and aspiration and none the less, the deep feeling of frustration and hopelessness out of past experience, amongst the masses in general. We have to remember that the masses' resentment and aspiration thereof have no other way but being expressed, at the moment within parliamentary structure, thanks to the betrayal of old communist parties and failure of communists in general. Anyway, most importantly, the final result, on the other hand once again forcefully proved that fascism or fascist offensive cannot be defeated in the arena of parliamentary struggle more so if it is relied on opposition bourgeois parties.
RSS-BJP have been on vigorous move since long, particularly since Advani's Ratha-Yatra to divide the society on communal line by way of arousing and consolidating the Hindu people on the plank of Hindutva and obviously by infusing the Hindu mass with deep down hatred and arrogance against Muslims. The society as of now is largely polarised on communal line for which RSS-BJP strived for decades. No doubt, during the tenure of previous government of NDA, they have been able to move faster in their design and were eventually able to turn their base further strong amongst not only middle class but also different sections of toiling people, most importantly amongst industrial workers. In the process they could most cunningly utilise the depressed and helpless condition of the masses and their frustration, thanks to betrayal of old communist parties, long absence of working class party and near absence of class struggle and above all, ideological vacuum created after the defeat of the first offensive of world socialist movements. Anyway, it leaves no doubt that BJP'S massive victory in the last election lies in this strong Hindutva base.
As if plain communal polarisation is not enough, BJP has elevated it to a new height of Hindu Nationalism - an integration of Hinduism and Nationalism. This nationalism, as we will see, is distorted nationalism, since it is not related to and opposed to Imperialism. The nationalism which RSS-BJP raked up and aroused in Hindu backward masses is simply on the plank of hatred against Pakistan and against Muslims in general, obviously on communal lines. It is unfortunately true that given the aggressive fascist campaign by RSS-BJP, backed by their government and absence of class polarisation on the other, inherent nationalist feeling in the people could be raked up and most dangerously that too, in the shape of communal nationalism. It is therefore natural under this condition that the Pulwama incident and subsequent Balakot strike would enable BJP to squeeze out a good number of votes beyond the ambit of communal polarisation already done. No doubt, this aspect did ensure the extent of victory of BJP in the last Lok Sabha election. However tragic is the Pulwama incident, that coincidently happened just few months before election, it eventually acted as a boon to the BJP in electoral contest and they seemed to have enjoyed the fruits of it.
But if we exclusively attribute the cause of massive victory of BJP only to communal polarisation and the raked-up Hindu Nationalism, we are afraid, it would be one sided and we would miss an important aspect definitely noteworthy from proletarian point of view, primarily for making correct appraisal of the situation. It is the mood and aspiration of masses and their strong faith and trust on Modi, of course not so much on BJP. Several reports of surveys and ground level discussions clearly suggest that the large section of workers and other toiling masses voted for Modi as they believed, of course out of desperation, that if anyone is there who can do good for them, it is Modi. It was often heard from worker during election campaign, that too from organised factories, that he "once failed to bring Acche Din right; but this time he will get it done". Even a good number of lower caste people were found to apparently come out of caste-polarisation and vote for upper caste party as suggested by hopeless defeat of BSP, SP etc. This is, no doubt a blind faith, but it, at the same time reflects utter hopelessness of the masses and of their extreme distress and deteriorating condition of living and also frustration out of betrayal of old leaders, especially the old communist parties. We cannot blame people as it is not totally unexpected, as there is no party of the working class which could lead them to get organised and move towards united struggle for actual liberation from all sorts of oppression, including that of caste and finally from exploitation of the capitalist class and hence no one is there to mobilise different sections of the toiling masses in the struggle for their immediate demands, for better living condition. If anybody is to be blamed it is the failure of Indian Communists and of course the reformist leader of world socialist movement. Anyway, it is important to take note in relation to last election that it is the people's urge for redressal of their suffering and the blind faith on Mody which played none-the-less an important role in the massive victory of BJP.
It is true that unquestioned blind faith and reliance on Modi from the sheer desperation would tend to embolden RSS-BJP's march towards fascist rule in which they had already made much advancement in that direction during five year of the last BJP government. But at the same time it cannot be denied that the force with which the people have been found to have express their intense urge for betterment of living condition, apparently in a cohesive and united manner almost throughout the country, would also make the ground for united agitation and struggle of masses on the wake of their inevitable fall from heaven in the disillusionment over whom they pitched their desperate hope and aspiration. We are aware that while the people are expectant for so called "Acche Din" from Modi government, the big capitalists at the same time are relentlessly pressing on Modi saying like 'This is the opportunity you should move faster with the reforms programme which had been left incomplete in the last tenure'. What BJP government would follow in the days to come shouldn't be a matter of confusion to those conscious men who are aware of the downright capitalist, pro-imperialist, fascist character of BJP-RSS. Active reforms mean consecutive ruthless attack on working class and toiling people. But obviously there remains a million dollar question as to whether the disillusionment and setback would get the people in spontaneous fight back and revolt or put them to helpless submission to destiny, in the face of all-out attack from the ruling classes and their government. The answer now lies in the court of working class as to how quicker they come out of their disorganised scattered condition and at least start organising themselves as a class countrywide and draw the people along with them and for that how the advanced fighting workers get prepared to lead the process. Last but not the least; this is the only thing that would ensure effective resistance to the growing fascist attack and RSS-BJP's dream to making India a Hindu Rashtra.
It is however, learnt from reports from several vote analysts that amongst rural poor and men slightly better off, there was an appreciation of Modi government's welfare measures, Ujjwala gas, electricity and water connection at places etc, which was said to have been converted to vote for BJP. It will not be difficult for ruling class and their Modi government to continue with such freebies as it is nothing but sending back to a section of people a small portion of peoples their own money collected through tax. Rather if, Modi and his government succeed in manoeuvring people's resentment in checking it, and obscuring real issues of people such as employment, income growth for comfortable sustenance, for democracy etc, this will enable Modi to go ahead with reforms as dictated by big capital, with full acceleration and on the other hand RSS-BJP will have more scope to proceed fast with their communal fascist policies, towards Hindu Rashtra. But there is another side of the coin. The reform has its fangs that would invariably shatter poor people's lives causing immense suffering and further deprivation.
It cannot be foretold how much time would be required for the rural poor and other sections of people to come out from their illusion of Modi's image from practical experience that would compel them to the arena of fight back. But the attack on working class would start from day one; practically it has started since the last budget. It is no secret these days that the main target of corporate is on labour law reforms and of course with almost equal force, on easy land availability. It is only a matter of time when the total legislation on new labour laws comes up.
In the face of growing fascist aggression especially after BJP's massive victory, democracy is going to be more and more under fire. What is needed is serious fight for democracy and to confront the jingoistic fascist march of BJP-RSS backed by 'Hindutva Bahini'. Unfortunately opposition to fascism, so to say the fight for democracy is still within the confines of petty-bourgeoisie intellectuals as so called progressive forces, as if it is only the question of freedom of speech and expression. And it is therefore, not strange to note that in the last five years so much of the voice of democracy was raised, several anti-fascist unity was made by the so-called Left and democratic forces, numbers of conventions and street rallies were organised mainly in the metro cities, but it would probably be not an exaggeration to say that all these expression-demonstrations remained confined mainly among petty-bourgeois intellectuals and students and committed communists; and at the end, they were unable to make even slightest impact on the outcome of the last Lok Sabha election, forget about giving perceptible resistance to fascist BJP. We are to understand that struggle for democracy or against growth of fascism cannot sustain itself without being intertwined with working class struggle. Precisely speaking in the present context, if anti-fascist struggle remains confined primarily within petty-bourgeoisie sections of the society and if toiling people are not drawn into this struggle, especially if the workers as the consistent fighter of democracy are not prepared to take a leading role, the present struggle for democracy would remain cramped and would not be able to make a headway to effectively confront the RSS-BJP's fascist march.
As we said earlier, working class will be under further and direct attack of labour law reforms. For the last couple of years, especially during the 1st term of BJP rule, right to organise and struggle, particularly to form workers own trade unions, are being de-facto squeezed due to the attack of police and administration in collusion with employers. Now under labour law reforms, this right is going to be drastically curtailed with further legal bindings - while workers are thus being pushed by the ruling class and their government themselves to settle the labour-capital contradiction defying bindings of law, workers are at the same time are required to inevitably fight for their democratic right to organise and struggle. The working class, particularly its advanced section, are to realise that although they are to fight for the above democratic right for their own cause, but this struggle is associated and intertwined with the struggle for democracy in general against fascism. And, for that they are to come forward in the anti-fascist democratic struggle going on in the society among different sections of the people, particularly the students and petty-bourgeoisie intelligentsia. Only by doing so, the working class can remain true to their historical role.
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