PEASANT MOVEMENT and DALIT AGRICULTURAL LABOURS OF PUNJAB
The corporate sector was much elated when the doors got opened for grabbing the Indian agriculture with the passing of three farm laws by the central government. Many thought, the fate of peasants were sealed and there is no option but to bow down before it. Since the coming of the BJP in power, all laws enacted in their favour probably made the corporate sector confident enough that there will be no looking back this time also. But events turned out differently. At that critical juncture the farmers and peasants of Punjab and Haryana resolutely declared - 'We will not succumb before these draconian laws, we will fight till the end, we are ready to die but will not let the corporate sector plunder our lives and livelihoods'. They were true to their avowal. At the end of a long fought battle lasting for more than a year (despite the martyrdom of about 700 peasants in the streets of Delhi, facing the vagaries of nature and all sorts of repression including lathi charge and arrests, not to mention the heinous anti propaganda by the godi media) they succeeded in making the government withdraw the laws. This was particularly creditable if we keep in view the absence of active participation of working class and the peasants of most other states, in the movement. It once again vindicated the fact that the road to combat the ruling class lies in nothing, but to put up a united resistance.
The details of this movement have been discussed in another article of this issue. Here we will take up the relation of the agricultural labourers of Punjab with the movement, which has not surfaced so much in the deluge of polemics emerging since then. The agricultural labours would have been affected as well by those three laws and hence the leadership of the movement campaigned against the laws as well. The extent to which the farmers struggle spread in Punjab definitely flamed their consciousness about the adversities that will fall upon them in the event of implementation of the three farm laws. But in spite of everything we have seen almost very little or no participation of them in the borders of Delhi for the entire long year of resistance movement.
The leadership of the movement argued - they fully support the farmers' movement but cannot afford to stay long in the dharna risking their daily livelihood which keep starvation at bay. Hence their participation was less. Holding full respect for this argument still it can be argued, had they been part and parcel of the movement they would have surely staged some kind of varied movement in the village side of Punjab while continuing with their jobs. But we have hardly noticed any such news.
Have they perceived the fight for the repeal of the farm laws as the merely the movement of the peasants and the land owners? This becomes a pertinent question. Weren't they aware of the immense misery that these three farm laws would have brought to their lives?
This is hard to contemplate. Many peasants' organisations like BKU(Ugrahan), BKU(Dakaunda), Kirti Kisan Union have launched extensive and consistent campaign on this issue. They have organised large gatherings which brought to the fore the dangers the agricultural labours also faced and about the havoc that will be caused by the implementation of the farm laws. These organisations clearly highlighted how the big corporates will not only displace the poor peasants but will also dump the agricultural labours. The application of more modern mechanical means and technology in agriculture, will surely deplete the requirement for manual labour. They have stressed how the big corporates will entice the poor peasants through contract farming and finally evict them from their own land, they will eventually take possession of majority of the agriculture produce and control the market on a monopoly basis. This monopoly price will also forbid the labours to buy the essential commodities as per their requirement and will bring utter pauperisation. The domination of the big corporates will also erode and may bring an end to the public distribution system giving another big blow to the agricultural labours. In spite of all this the agricultural labourers have refrained from participating in any significant way.
Some are of the opinion that these organisations have definitely campaigned about the looming danger of the farm laws among the agricultural labours. However, right from the outset till the end, the extensive emphasis given on the protection of Mandi and legal recognition of MSP system may have created an idea that the movement is essentially aimed at these two demands. These are of interest to the rich and middle peasants and are in no way related to the agricultural labours. This may be a reason for the agricultural labourers to distance themselves from the movement. But on the other hand, the height to which the movement had risen, the wave of support it had garnered and the consequential attack unleashed by the ruling class, all taken together makes the above reasoning (of the agricultural labours taking up the role of mere spectator) quite untenable.
The above explanation regarding the absence or feeble participation of the agricultural labours may be a part of it. But to us this has a deeper structural construct. The agricultural labours of Punjab have profound contradictions and conflicts with the big land owners and the rich peasants. An in depth analysis of the same can help understand more the reasons for their indifference to the movement.
The 'green revolution' was most successfully implemented in Punjab and Haryana among all the states in the country. One estimate shows that while the rate of growth in agricultural production within the country was 2.31% between 1972 to 1985-86, Punjab recorded a growth rate of 5% within the same period. The average holding size is only 1.08 hectare in India, Punjab's average holding size is 3.62 hectare. Punjab's contribution to the national granary is also more than any other state. Whereas in Punjab high yield variety seeds are used in 98% of the land the national average is only 55%. The irrigated agricultural area in Punjab is also much more in comparison to the other states. Hence peasants in Punjab can raise three or at least two crops annually. The application of machines and modern techniques has been significantly applied in Punjab. While the number of tractors employed in 1971 was only 5281, in 2014-15 it rose to 5,36,429. The number of deep tube wells also rose from 78,763 in 1981 to 12,35,722 in 2014-15. The profit accrued from agriculture and lenient bank loans enjoyed by the peasants contributed to such rapid growth of agriculture in Punjab.
The application of chemical fertilisers and pesticides are important keys to increase productivity. The overall increase in these inputs all over India marks today's agriculture at the expense of fertility of the soil. Here also Punjab is in the leading seat. Punjab alone consumes about 10% of the total fertilisers produced in the country. The consumption of Nitrogenous fertilisers has increased from 175 kg/hectare in 1970-71 to 1486 kg/hectare in 2014-15. The rapid growth of productivity has been assisted by a vibrant structural market. The 'Mandi' and 'MSP' systems are far more developed in Punjab in comparison to other parts of the country. Hence the rich peasants, middle peasants along with capitalist farmers and big land owners have reaped enough profit through such market network. They have also profited from waiver of bank loans several times. Presently they are also receiving around Rs 10 to 15 thousand per acre of land under the central government scheme of agricultural development. All the above factors contributed for Punjab to emerge as a wealthy state. But the heart of the question, amid such prosperity lies in trying to understand -who are really gaining out of this. Definitely the rich peasants, capitalist farmers and the big land owners are the beneficiaries. This does not preclude the absence of any problem for these strata of rich peasants and the upper stratum of land owners. Particularly the growth rate of crops has failed to keep parity with the rate of increase in input costs. There do exists such kind of problems which we can take up in some other time. Let us come back to the question we intend to probe, have the agricultural labours also been benefitted by the general prosperity of Punjab?
Many bourgeois economists are of opinion that the growth of agricultural economy leads to a general development of rural economy as well. When the producers are able to make handsome profit a part of it trickles down to the agricultural labours. Consequently their purchasing power enhances and the rural market expands. The cultivation of two or three crops ensures livelihood for the labours round the year; then they will earn more and their conditions of lives would improve. A deeper probe into the plight of agricultural labours tears asunder the above view point. The agricultural labours employ their labour in the lands owned by rich peasants, capitalist farmers and big land owners. The number of agricultural labours are swelling day by day. One estimate reveals that in 1961 their numbers were 3,34,610 which increased to 15,88,000 in 2011. In addition to this, seasonal migrant labours numbering about 8.0 to 9.0 lakhs join their ranks. Taken together an astounding figure about 23.0 to 24.0 lakhs throng the agricultural labour market. The burgeoning of landless agricultural labours in Punjab has various reasons. One main reason is that a large section of the poor peasants, facing the increasing input costs, competing with the speed of farming of the rich peasants, are being outnumbered day by day, debts are surmounting and are forcing them to leave their lands (either by selling off or by offering lease) and are relegated to the rank of landless labours. The once share croppers of Punjab have almost vanished. They have also joined in the ranks of agricultural labours.
On the one hand the numbers of agricultural labours are increasing, on the other hand the requirement for labours is decreasing. The ever increasing application of capital intensive agriculture such as the application of tractors, pump sets, machetes are dwindling the labour requirement. Now labours are mainly required for sowing purpose. Hence the sigh of labours - 'God is great, the sowing machines are yet to arrive, so we are still existing, though under severe hardship', is quite easy to understand.
As has been said earlier almost 98% of land in Punjab is cultivated with high yield seeds. They grow very rapidly. The producers have great urgency to sow as early as possible. Much akin to factory productions. Quite naturally the labours are forced to work under extreme pressure. The availability of huge reserve of labour force enables them to complete the sowing activity within 10 to 15 days. This is not only true for Punjab but even in West Bengal (which lags far behind) this holds good. The presence of large numbers of migrant labours enables the land owners to make their job done on a contractual basis at a pervasive wage rate. The migrant labours, being under much control of the land owners and forced to provide more labour time are preferred over the locals. Hence, the unemployment of the local labours even in the sowing season has now become very common. Given such a situation, the labours have very little or no chance to raise the demand for enhancement of their wage. The presence of migrant labours in large numbers stagnates or lowers the wage rate, hence the rivalry with the locals keep increasing. The survey conducted by the Union Labour Ministry in 2019-20 reveals astounding unemployment figure of Punjab to be 7.4% while the national average is 4.8%.
This is the real condition of agricultural labours in Punjab. Their miserable condition has been brought to light by three survey reports. The first is by professor Anupama (Punjabi University, Patiala) who has discussed at length about agricultural labours, the second is by Ranjit Singh Ghuman, Indrajit Singh and Lakhinder Dev Singh (A survey on behalf of the Economics Dept. of Punjabi University, Patiala in 2007) and the third is a survey of 2017 conducted by Punjab Khet Majdoor Union of Bhatinda region. The results of these surveys are appended below.
The essays of Indrajit Singh and others reveal that in 2007, 51.91% of agricultural labours' monthly family income was between Rs 500 and Rs 1000, 38.57% had between Rs 1000 and Rs 1500 only. A meagre 9.50% had above Rs 1500. A startling figure of daily wages was reported from Doaba of Rs 75.30, Malwa of Rs 61.12, where the highest daily wages was Rs 76.12. If their findings reflect the ground reality, anyone will shudder to think of the miserable conditions which confront them.
Professor Anupama opines -The despicable low income forces the labours to borrow money from the rich upper caste families. An overwhelming majority of the agricultural labours belong to Dalit category. They are in numerous ways dependent on the rich upper caste families.
Sukhpal Singh of village Rala in Mansa's Budhlada subdivision, needed money to marry off his two daughters. A father of four daughters and one son, this compelled him to engage with village zamindar for a full one year for Rs 75,000. He says that there was no time limit in his contract. He was ought to do field work all day and night as needed.
There is a surge of such labours and the zamindars sometimes even refrain from paying the contract sum. Several cases have been registered with the help of some NGOs but in absence of proper documents they failed to win a single case.
Bhola Singh, a local activist of Mansa-based Mazdoor Mukti Morcha, an outfit working on labourer issues, says that it is common in villages here to trap the poor labourers in debt and then keep them in bondage for years in garb of cheap labour.
Here attention may be drawn to the bizarre coercive practice - The principal together with interest is deducted from the monthly wage of the labourer, till such time the entire loan gets repaid; however for this period he has to work at the same rate without any enhancement in wage. The labours are considered as sub human beings to the extent that they are forced to drink water from the farm site while harvesting wheat. It goes without saying, the water of the farm site being far below from the standard potable water creates several health problems, even causing cancer.
A polemic published in The Economic and Political Weekly delineates that traditionally the majority of agricultural labours belong to the Dalit community and they work under Jat land owners. They work for a long time under the same land owner, a traditional variety of attached labour. In local parlance they are termed as Sajhis and Siris.
The living standard of the agricultural labours are perilous, to say the least. They live in Kuchha houses without any electricity and water connection. In contrast, the income and profit of the capitalist farmers, rich peasants and big land owners are soaring continuously. The inequality is surmounting day by day.
There is no denial, the problems of the land holding peasants are also increasing. Their production costs are increasing. The costs of seeds, fertilisers, pesticides, diesel, electricity etc are mounting. Same is happening towards the cost of various machines and submersible pumps. As a whole, the production cost is increasing. The unholy nexus between the national as well as multinational big Corporates and the government are at the heart of the problem. In spite of acknowledging this rise in input cost it needs to be argued, what is the role of the rich peasants and big land owners regarding lowering of the input cost? Some stray and feeble demand has been raised to lower the price of electricity. But on the whole, the kind of demand and agitation warranted by the enormity of the problem is missing badly. They are resorting to the same old practice of lowering/stagnating the wage rate of the agricultural labours and forcing them to labour more, exploiting them to the brim, to reduce the cost of production. This is the common feature of all the rich peasants and big land owners in every place - Punjab is just a mirror of it. We have witnessed this in the survey reports as mentioned earlier. Let us now recall some recent events which strongly bring out the anti-labour character of these sections.
During the Corona pandemic , the migrant labour couldn't make it to Punjab due to the absence of transport and lockdown situation. As a result the peasants of Punjab had to depend solely on the local labourers at the time of sowing. The local labourers gaining a relative vantage position, united themselves and demanded higher wages. Several villages witnessed labour strikes. The strikes was launched independently. The rate of sowing paddy by the migrant labours was Rs 2600/hectare in the preceding year. The locals demanded Rs 3500/hectare. The rich peasants along with the land owners unitedly opposed the movement. The panchayats controlled by rich peasants stood by them. They declared their unwillingness to accept the demand of the enhanced wage rate. They even gave a stricture by which if someone sows at the enhanced rate, he/she shall have to pay Rs 50,000 as penalty. The land owners agreed to increase the rate by only Rs 200/hectare. In some of the villages the conflict rose to the level of physically fighting. Lachhman Singh Sewewala, the leader of the Punjab Khet Mazdoor Union vouched for the demand of the labours. He argued - The contractors force the migrant labours to work for long extended hours, compelling 3 labours only to sow in an acre/day, keeping wages as low as possible. The local agricultural labours require at least 6 to 7 persons for the same job. Naturally, it is impossible for the locals to do the job at such reduced rate. He also blasted the panchayats in trying to determine the wages of the labours, it had never taken up such role.
Eventually 55 to 70% peasants, disregarding the demand of the labours went for DSR (Drum seed) technique. But sowing in almost 45 lac acre land was done by local labours.
This event divulged some of the truths. In the first place the rich peasants and land owners though having fought bravely against the big Corporates and the government serving their purpose, have on the other hand inevitably assumed an anti-labour role on account of their distinct class position. Secondly till date the rich peasants of Punjab have argued, the inefficiencies of the locals have compelled them to bring migrant labours. The local labours showed how weird the argument was. The truth of bringing migrant labour to work at a lower wage was divulged. Finally it also became apparent that the influx of migrant labours is hindering the growth of wage rates of the local labours.
Now we will focus on another contradiction between the land owners and agricultural labours of Punjab. The rich peasants and land owners of Punjab are Jats, an upper caste category. The agricultural labours mainly come from lower Dalit caste. Punjab is house to almost 31% Dalits, much higher than any other states. The persistent caste conflict is strange enough given an advanced agrarian economy in which they take part. Advanced modes of production have failed to create advance consciousness. How the caste conflict has cast its shadow on class contradiction we have seen that. One of the most prominent leader of the peasant movement, Joginder Singh Ugrahan of BKU (Ugrahan) has thus shared his experience - "The coexistence of caste and class conflict are coming in the way of forming a general unity against the ruling class. But we need not lose heart, we have to try and fight it out". It appears that his such realisation is the outcome of providing leadership of the latest peasant struggle.
The Dalits of Punjab are being oppressed and exploited in various ways from time immemorial by the upper caste Jats. The entire system has relegated them to the lower most rung of the society. The administration, police, law courts treat them as second class citizen. Even today they are deprived of government subsidies, rations to which they are legitimately entitled. Atrocities on Dalit women are also on the rise in the country, Punjab is also not an exception.
Let us cite one horrible example from a media report. Gurmail Singh, an agricultural labourer from Hasanpur village in Mansa, still remembers how he was beaten by his employer two years ago just because he did not report to work for a day due to death in his family. His relative expired and he attended to perform the religious rites away from his own village. Driven by the shock he hurried and was unable to inform his land owner. This was his 'crime'. On account of such a trivia his land owner took him to his own house and beat him severely. Isn't it amazing that such feudal practices still prevail in Punjab, the land where modern capitalist agriculture is practised widely!
Presently the Zameen Prapti Sangharsh Committee are organising the Dalits to achieve their legitimate and legal rights. One of their leaders, Gurmukh Singh in an extensive interview brought forth how the goons in association with the police are causing hindrance to their movement.
Gurmukh Singh says, "Punjab has no untouchability problem but caste system do exist. Even today we have separate Gurudwaras for the Dalits. When we try to reclaim lands for the Dalits the Jats inflict attack on us. You can't demand land overtly we have to resort to covert means".
Punjab has two types of land to which Dalits are legally entitled to. But for centuries the Jats are enjoying the lands by force, entitled to the Dalits. Government institutions and judiciary remain silent spectators, everyone colludes with the Jats, how they will fight against the formidable enemy like the Jats.
The Dalits are entitled to two types of land in Punjab. One is Nazool land. The king of Punjab passed a law by virtue of which it can grab lands of such families who do not have any children. Those lands were kept separately during our independence. They were distributed among the Dalits to cultivate on a cooperative basis, sometime after independence. But eventually the Jats grabbed them forcibly. They are still enjoying those Nazool lands. The Zameen Prapti Sangharsh Committee has given a call for reclaiming the same.
Apart from the above the panchayats also possesses lands. The Dalits are entitled to 33% of that land. The Dalits only have the right to those lands through auction process. The Jats have even grabbed those lands bypassing the law. ZPSC is also trying to reclaim those lands.
At first they started with one or two villages. Later on that movement had spread to 25 to 30 villages. The Jats, in the name of Dalits took part in the auction process and called for high prices beyond the reach of the Dalits and easily took hold of them. The organisation begin to raise funds in order to set an example, that they were able the snatch land from the Jats. In 2014, in the village of Baladkalan they took part in the auction and were able to gain land through legal process. This had deep impact, the Dalits organised themselves, by third year the movement had spread to almost 40 to 45 villages.
The Jats took up the challenge. They understood that the Dalits were getting organised, they had started to fight for their rights. If this goes on, in future they will not only demand higher wages but will try and resist all types of social injustices. This should be nipped in the bud and hence they pounced on the Dalits.
In 2016, the Zulu village stood witness to such an incident. The Jats denied conceding land legitimately due to The Dalits. They started sowing in the lands of the Dalits. The Dalits failed to resist. They started preparing for a resistance movement to be launched during harvest time. The Jats anticipated earlier and in collusion with the goons, police and zamindars attacked the Dalits. The Dalits succumbed temporarily, many were injured, one woman died. It happened in 2016. However, the Dalits didn't give up the fight completely. They staged an organised dharna movement in the government office. Several left peasant organisations like BKU(Ugrahan), Kirti Kisan Union, BKU(Dakaunda) joined the movement and took part in large numbers. This lay bare the ugly landscape of caste conflict that still persists in Punjab.
Gurmukh Singh, in the earlier referred interview, explained -" BKU(Ugrahan) has its base among the upper caste peasants (other peasant organisations are also of the same type). The peasants of Zulu who attacked the Dalits were part of their organisation. The organisation insisted the peasants to resolve the matter amicably which was declined by the upper caste peasants. They even left that organisation since it stood for the Dalits and joined other rightist organisations. The Dalits came up with two conditions in order to reach a settlement. One was a demand of penalty, the other demand was of tendering apology. The peasants though accepted the demand for penalty, outrightly rejected the demand for apologising before the Dalits. They even offered to increase the penal sum in lieu of tendering apology. The Dalits gave a fitting reply - We can forego the demand for penalty but the peasants must apologise. The stalemate still exists". Gurmukh Singh when asked about their position in relation to the fight against the big corporates, replied "We are in favour of the movement, once we decided to attend the dharna in the Delhi border. We also thought to block the KMD Road near Singhu border. But we lack vehicles. We tried to raise subscription but failed. Hence we reached Singhu border on behalf of ZPSC, but were not allowed to speak and voice our demands. At last we were allowed to speak from the time allotted for Kirti Kisan Unoin. We were even prevented from uttering the name of our organisation, even nobody was willing to exchange with our dalit comrades". Just think of the caste antagonisms that still marks the society of Punjab.
The demand of the ZPSC is to transfer of 1/3rd of the land ownerships to the Dalit landless labourers. Rest 2/3rd should be allotted for poor and small peasants. They stated - "We strongly believe that the landless labourers can ally only with poor peasants. Whether they are allying with us today is not the cardinal question. In future this alliance will be inevitably formed and we should gear up for materialising the same. Already the poor peasants are leaving the big peasants and taking part in the protests with us. Where the poor peasants are deprived of the grazing land by the big peasants landless labourers have extended help to them. "
The intense conflict between castes and class which we have seen in this essay, the way Dalit labourers are forced to work at an abysmal wage rate, the way they are converted into bonded labour, the atrocities unleashed on them by the Jats prevents any unity with the rich peasants, capitalist farmers and big land owners. The absence of agricultural labourers in the peasant movement stands as an unmistakable lesson of this bitter truth.
Sources:
1. "Its time to make Punjab agriculture great again. But how to do so?" by Siraj Hussain
https://thewire.in/agriculture/punjab-agriculture-reforms-roadmap-montek-panel
2. "Agrarian Crisis and Depeasantisation in Punjab: Status of Small/Marginal Farmers Who Left Agriculture", by Karam Singh, Sukhpal Singh and H.S. Kingra, http://ageconsearch.umn.edu
3. "A Longitudinal Study of Three Decades : Punjab's Agricultural Labourers in Transition", by Sukhpal Singh / Shruti Bhogal, EPW, 07 July, 2020
4. The Punjab state farmers commission, Government of Punjab, SAS, Nov 2007
5. "The Agrarian crisis in Punjab and making of Anti farm law protests", by Shreya Sinha https://www.theindiaforum.in/article/agrarian-crisis-punjab-and-making-anti-farm-law-protests
6. "Punjab: What the Rift Between Farmers and Workers Over Wages Tells Us About Agrarian Distress", by Pawanjot Kaur https://thewire.in/agriculture/agriculture-labour-wages-worker-farmer-unity-protests
7. An interview with ZPSC's Gurmukh Singh -the war is won in the farmers struggle, the struggle goes on?Edesh Amar Publication
8. Survey Report, Punjab Khet Mazdoor Union, 2017
9. Observation of Punjab Khet Mazdoor Union, Bhatinda Unit
10. "How Punjab dalit labourers are trapped to live bonded life", Vivek Gupta, https://thewire.in/labour/how-punjabs-dalit-labourers-are-trapped-to-live-a-bonded-life
11. "Agriculture labourers in Punjab : Struggling for survival", CPIML liberation report, 2009 https://cpiml.net/liberation/2009/07/agricultural-labourers-punjab-struggling-survival
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