Jharkhand - Dumka Struggle
6th December again became a black day in India in the year 2008. And it gave Adivasis, especially of Jharkhand, a rude shock. During the tenure of 'Dishum Guru' Shibu Soren as the state's chief minister, they had to face police bullets and die in firing! Because they dared to oppose, what is today frequently termed as - 'Developmental Terrorism'; they dared to oppose Shibu Soren's government's eagerness to fulfil an agreement chalked out between RPG (R P Goenka) group company CESC (Calcutta Electric Supply Corporation) and Jharkhand government led by Arjun Munda of BJP in 2005.
For that CESC project the government needed to evict five to six villages and thousands of people to clear about a thousand acres, and some more land for a dam on a local river, in the Blocks of Shikaripara and Kathikund. But the Adivasis were in a different mood. They remembered well that they were fired upon during the BJP run government while opposing the Koel-Karo dam project in the newly formed state of Jharkhand on February 2, 2001. Ten persons gave their life in their own state - a state won after a long battle in which many died martyrs to the cause. But then, they have already won that battle. On August 31, 2003 the government finally abandoned the project. Also their long struggle against the Field Firing Range in Netarhat could enforce the defence ministry to change its plan, and this success came within the year 2006. All these resulted in some confidence among the people when they were being served notice by the government to clear off the land. But perhaps they were not prepared for such a brutal answer to their so far peaceful movement from a government supposedly "theirs" own. But brutality is not the only vice shown to the simple Adivasi people.
Before the incident the government proceeded arrogantly. Notification for land procurement was served in April 2007. The government, naturally in collusion with the corporate giant, tried to buy the gram sabha chief Ms Phulo Marandi's consent with more than a million, tried to bully the protestors by the Adivasi(!) superintendent of police Mr Sidhu Hembrom, state agriculture minister and local MLA slandered movement leaders like Ms Munni Hansda saying. Several top ranking activists spearheading the movement were arrested. People, thousands and thousands, protested, demonstrated in front of the District Police HQ and said they committed the same 'offence' as the arrested ones and they should also be arrested en masse. This only prompted the govt to initiate police cases against several hundred people including Munni Hansda, Amelia Hansda, Anne Tudu, Bhimlal Sahu, Banku, Sunita, Jonathan, etc. Only then the organisation Ulgulan Manch (and of course Ulgulan Mahila Manch) called for a second Hul (or Adivasi Revolt) on and from 6th December.
After the incident the government started a two pronged tactic - it declared that land would only be taken after consultation with the gram sabha, compensation would be paid to the family of the deceased, and in contrast to such sweet words declared that Maoists were behind the movement, the arrested Ulgulan Mahila Manch member was supported by the Maoists, etc as before, that is covering up all crimes of the state by raising a 'Maoist' rumour and false-propaganda, in the media; while the CESC with a TATA-like arrogance announced that they would go forward with their project.
In one way or other they are accustomed to very prolonged struggles, not only spanning years but generations. Even if we leave aside their 'independence' struggle against the British Rule and Diku-s, the demand for a separate state for Adivasis and Martyrdom for that occurred well before the 1947 'independence'. After a prolonged struggle the Adivasis got the state of Jharkhand. But what fruits did they bore? The first big party to fight supposedly with Adivasi cause, the Jharkhand Party, after some years joined the Congress, the main party of the Indian ruling class, that very party which then and still now bulldoze all movements of 'national' aspiration of small nations/nationalities.
Now, after so many years' hard earned bitter experiences, at one end we see Adivasi people becoming more resolute in continuing their fight; we saw clamping of mass-curfew by the Adivasi peoples assembly after that ghastly incident - declaring that no government official and/or company official will be allowed to enter there. Those persons who were Adivasi by name only but betrayed the movement were declared to be socially boycotted by Adivasi assembly. Here we see the traditional Adivasi assemblies taking a positive role in the movement; Adivasi Mode (or More) Majhi conducting affairs in such a way that lent voice to the mass aspirations and help to get organise taking help of their age-old methods; more and more women coming to the forefront of the movement; activities of many so called 'independent' 'social' organisations converging on certain issues.
But at the other end, do we see a kind of jumbled views or frustration and puzzlement? Do we smell any danger ahead, if not soon but in near future? Let us probe it.
? As for example, an 'independent' social activist and writer Gladson Dungdung writes under a title "The Death of a Beautiful Dream" in his blog (http://indigenousindia.blogspot.com/), "Jharkhand ... came into existence as the state in 2000 after a long mass struggle, took place in the 20th century for realization of a beautiful dream, dreamt by the Adivasi heroes - Tilka Manjhi, Sidhu-Kanhu and Birsa Munda. ... ... The Jharkhand CM Guruji Sibu Soren was the co-travellers in realization of the beautiful dream but even during his rule the police firing took place at Kathikund of Dumka, where one Adivasi was killed and two others are battling between life and death. Guruji Sibu Soren had started his political career by fighting against injustice and exploitation inflicted by the "Dikku ..." (exploiters). But now he has changed his mind. Recently, he said that all the people living in Jharkhand are Jharkhandi. But does it mean the exploiters and moneylender Dikkus are also Jharkhandi today? If so, then it is a horrible death of a beautiful dream of exploitation free and just Jharkhand because the dream can not be realized with the exploiter and moneylender Dikkus." (This article also appeared in some national and international sites.) And he ends his more recent article "Mandate for Future Jharkhand" with, "The Tamar election has given a new lesson to all the political parties who support the national and the multinational companies in the name of development, and alienate people from their livelihood resources, it would cost them in the next election especially in the Adivasi and Mahto dominated areas as these are the two communities mostly fighting against displacement in the state. One must not be surprised if the BJP, the Congress, the RJD, the JMM and the JVM who are pro supporters of the industrialization lose the ground and the small parties like Jharkhand party, Jharkhand Dishum Party, Jharkhand Janadhikar Party, Adivasi Chhatra Sangh and left party like CPI (ML) emerge as new political forces in the state in the forth coming elections as these parties are against of displacement and land alienation. They raise voices for people's ownership and control over the natural resources and advocate for the community based development. Obviously, the mandate of Tamar election has given a new direction for the future of Jharkhand." (italics ours)
? Take another organisation - JUDAV. "We will now work for "Intensifying Indigenocracy" where emphasis is stressed on empowering Gram Sabhas." (from http://www.judavjharkhand.com/) then, " ... the organization has been involved with emancipation and development of oppressed and marginalized through various capacitation programs, income generation and community organization activities with the ultimate goal of enabling those deprived mass to manage over their local resources - Jal (Water), Jungle (Forest) and Jamin (Land). ... ... JUDAV recognizes the decisive and revolutionary role of Gram Sabhas and Peoples' Organizations (POs) for total social transformation.Hence, JUDAV serves as a conduit to help empower and strengthen Gram Sabhas and Peoples Organizations by capacitating, arousing, organizing and mobilizing them so they can establish self-rule. ... ... Gram Sabhas and POs were also oriented to understand and internalize the spirit of the 73th and 74th amendments, the theory and practice of self-rule, the concept of local economy, the meaning of Gram-Swaraj, theory and practice of participatory planning, formulation of perspective plan for the village and realization of sustainability etc. ... Jharkhand Ulgulan Mahila Manch and Jharkhand Ulgulan Manch, the two biggest Peoples Organizations in Jharkhand have identified that rising communalism, devastation of natural resources, state sponsored atrocities and loss of livelihood opportunities are some of the threats before Indigenous society. ..." The named two organisations were much heard about in the course of the last movement in Dumka. "JUDAV has initiated a number of peoples' organisations in Jharkhand. One of the most important one is that of the Jharkhand Ulgulan Manch."(from http://www.judavjharkhand.com/aboutus.html and http://www.judavjharkhand.com/aboutusreadmore.html, http://www.judavjharkhand.com/org_ulgulan.html etc) ... "The Jharkhand Hulgulan Manch and the Jharkhand Ulgulan Mahila Manch conducted their conventions on separate occasions. The POs saw the critical need to hold the conventions in order to rally and unite the people at the juncture wherein the onslaught of Capital forces were heightening in Jharkhand. The events thus served as a crucial avenue for people to ventilate their issues and at the same time craft their programs to thwart and frustrate these Capitalist forces that sought to destroy their land. ..." (http://www.judavjharkhand.com/pro_people.html) Judav mentioned, as one of its main task, "a) Attack should be made on World Bank/Multi-Nationals for their pressure for globalisation." (Delhi Round Table Discourse on Self-rule, http://www.judavjharkhand.com/pro_delhi.html). (italics ours)
We shall confine our discussion within words spoken by JUDAV and Gladson as they are representative enough of the psyche of a broad range of the presumably 'non-Partisan' Adivasi Activists (though not the entire spectrum of opinions).
Let us start with what was declared as a motto of JUDAV. Adivasi friends should rethink whether it will be proper to use such western-world words like 'capacitate' or 'empowerment' etcetera. Imperialist controlled Institutions like World Bank and foreign capitalist controlled big Donor Agencies like and use suchlike terms very much. The world Bank, in fact, has a whole dedicated website under its main site for empowerment. But one of Judav's donors (DFID) act in close concert with World Bank in, what may be called, the 'empowerment sector'. What is more, DFID is a stake-holder and donor of World Bank too! The extent of close relationship between DFID and WB disturbed even the UK parliamentary committee and a whole report was titled "Parliamentary committee scolds DFID for its World Bank infatuation". (www.brettonwoodsproject.org/art-560832) A world Bank report wrote, "Mainstreaming the tribal population requires their civic and political empowerment (recognizing their civic as well as traditional rights), integral to economic growth projects and social service delivery programs. There is no single "best way" to attain these rights. These can be addressed through bonding that is forging horizontal links among themselves through social movements; bridging or promoting linkages between them and pro-tribal local elites; and advocacy and lobbying at the local, block, district, state, and national level." (Report No. 36437-IN, JHARKHAND, Addressing the Challenges of Inclusive Development) Among other main donors of JUDAV we find EED and HIVOS, the first one a German and the second one a Dutch prosperous NGO. Interestingly both of them have/had some relations or have shared common thread with the World Bank. Sometimes we see DFDID, HIVOS and World Bank acting together. And these three donors (DFID, HIVOS & EED) together provide JUDAV with almost 70% to 75% of total annual expenses of Rs 1.68 to Rs 1.73 crores in 2005-06 and 2006-07 respectively! Being so much dependent on foreign donors somewhat related with World Bank, will it be possible to launch "Attack ... on World Bank/Multi-Nationals"!
The question of fund is not the only aspect to look into. This "empowerment" or "capacitation" sounds very offensive if seen from down up; it sounds as if some person(s) on the top giving benevolently some bread-crumbs to fellows below. But Adivasis are not beggars. So they do not need kind, benevolent persons, agencies or governments to give them (fake) power/capacity to do things on their own. Neither they need any benevolent person(s), agencies or government(s) to bless them with crumbs of power or capacity.
The ruling classes have the actual capacity or power over the machinery that rules; so it was during the British era too. The working people, including the Adivasis will build up their power, their rule on their own by organising themselves. If the Evil has 'real' power or capacity then the people will have power/capacity only by capturing, by confiscating power/capacity from the evil forces. That is why and how the Adivasi legendary heroes fought in the past. To imagine that 73rd or 74th amendment or gram sabha - panchayati raj or even tribal-gram-sabha will confer or wrest power of self rule to the people to resist effectively "onslaught of Capitalist forces" - while the powers of IAS-IPS-officialdom plus capitalists and such other moneyed people in the society plus all other organs of the state power and power of the upper layer of the society will remain - is just a self deceiving concept. Not only it will produce nothing of the sort, but for producing illusion and thus will endanger the fighting people. Barring those who are known paid-servants of the capitalists, this anti-people evil state machinery itself also has the power to corrode, to rot even those people who in the past were hardened like steel by years of struggle, or, has the power to make him impotent in face of the assaults of the foreign and native capitalists in collusion with the state machinery. You are the best to judge which of the abovementioned possibilities actually took place in case of ex-CM Guruji or his party - but precisely for these reasons the Adivasis of Dumka, Kalinganagar, people fighting government (and capitalists) in the movements regarding Koel Karo, Netarhat ... people of Nandigram etcetera had to die.
Then, how to resist effectively "onslaught of Capitalist forces"? How to begin the journey towards "people's ownership and control over the natural resources" as Gladson desires? Any thinking Adivasi will admit that they need comrade-in-arms in that great struggle, comrades on whom they can place faith. As an Adivasi activist-organiser in the last year's Adivasi struggle in West Bengal said, "We are only 6-7%" and so "we need to unite with all other people oppressed by this system". For him that was not just a tactical move to gather strength; but that reflects a necessity, a common fight that oppressed people need to liberate them all. Only a state machinery under full control of working class and toiling peasantry regardless of nationality, caste, religion ensures fight against the "onslaught of Capitalist forces" on Humanity and Nature, and help all toiling people to march towards people's (or better to say, 'social') ownership and control over the natural resources. And for that purpose the first act is removing and dismantling the present state machinery, not at all inheriting it with some other parties and/or persons in command.
Gladson perceives "small parties like ... emerge as new political forces in the state in the forth coming elections as these parties are against of displacement and land alienation. They raise voices for people's ownership and control over the natural resources and advocate for the community based development." This is one way of seeing, and if we speak the bitter truth, it is the old way of seeking solution in terms of 'party' or 'parties'; and it is nobody's fault - India's long history of some sort of parliamentary 'democracy' (sic!) developed a fashion of seeking one party or alliance and then another for solving burning problems. In this way of looking into things we remain dependent on the subjective wishes or 'election manifesto' or 'promises' (we all have heard lots of them in the past) of one or other party; and if that party is later seen to be inept or deceiver or if it gets transformed there is no way out than to search another such party. We should rather search that force in our society which objectively, really, for its own sake wants to enforce people's (or social) ownership and control over the natural resources, wants to abolish all private ownership over natural resources (and means to work with them) due to its very position in the society.
Is there any such force in our society. Yes, there is. That is the working class. Till really people's ownership of and control over Nature (and Means of Production which is made out of Nature and Human Labour) are enforced, the owners of the previous will take advantage and extract surplus from workers. Even if some redistribution of property (in this discussion property means property in terms of nature like land, minerals, etc and means of production like plough, machines, etc) to the effect to property-equalisation takes place - after some time, years or decades at most, again two distinct classes of 'owners' and 'labourers' will appear. If exploitation of Labour by Capital is to be overcome, social ownership of and control over Nature and Means of Production (which is again the product of Nature and Human Labour) are imperative.
The working class is historically bound to fulfil its duty. In country like ours it has to start the journey allied with other toiling, exploited people - the peasantry, and other toilers, and complete the democratic revolution - that includes agrarian revolution along with the peasantry, which will confiscate non-peasant owners' land and place it at the disposal of the revolutionary peasantry. It will have to solve the problems regarding nationalities making all nationalities free (granting right to secede), equal, all languages really equal. It will have to abolish the vile caste-system and promote real democracy making everybody equal citizens. It will have to get rid of division in society based on religious lines. Through this long journey it will march towards people's ownership of and control over Nature and Means of Production together with all toilers in the society. In this journey, the working class is sure of getting the support of all toiling Adivasi friends.
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